This chapter researches the questions:
1.
What is the Laceweb?
a.
What are the Laceweb’s
structure and processes
b.
How are they being evolved and sustained?
c.
Is Cultural Keyline an
aspect of Laceweb action?
d.
What is INMA?
2.
What patterns and integration are there linking
aspects of Fraser House, Fraser House outreach and Laceweb?
Is Cultural Keyline an integrating theme and a model
of engagement?
3.
Are the Laceweb and Inma linked to epochal transition?
This chapter looks at specific action by Neville in Far North Queensland and the Darwin Top End evolving and
supporting the Laceweb Social Movement networks
amongst Indigenous and other Unique People in the Oceania SE Asia Australasia
Region. Neville used the term ‘Unique People’ to include Indigenous people and
oppressed small minorities in the Region. The seminal role of Neville’s
enabling of Aboriginal Human Relations Gatherings in 1971, 1972 and 1973 in
evolving the Movement is discussed. Neville’s evolving of a number of small therapeutic community houses, local-lateral networks and gatherings are
detailed. His involvement in the North Queensland ‘
In the view of Neville (July 1999) and Terry Widders (Aug 1999), the annual Human Relations Gatherings
Neville and other people enabled in the years 1971-1973 at Armidale
and Grafton in North East New South Wales were a seminal energy in the evolving
of the Laceweb network. Consistent with Fraser House
being a ‘balanced community’, these gatherings were attended by equal numbers
of:
·
Aboriginal
and non-Aboriginal people
·
Males
and females
·
Under
controlled and over-controlled people
The gatherings were teed up by Dr. Ned Iceton,
a former Doctor with the Royal Australian Flying Doctor Service and a lecturer
at the
During an interview I had with Iceton
in Armidale (July, 1999) he described local
Aboriginal youth Terry Widders’ role as being quite
crucial in these gatherings. Widders knew the
cultural nuances supporting the Aborigines’ opening up during the first of
these Human Relations Gatherings - a milieu that was strange and potentially
very threatening for Aboriginal and Islander attendees at the outset. Terry
started talking about the difficulties he had faced in surviving well and about
his plans for his future. On hearing one of their own speaking in this forum,
other Aboriginal people followed. Neville knew that while the social topography
was diverse, this theme about ‘surviving well’ was a Keypoint
touching the lives of all attendees – Aboriginal and non-aboriginal alike. Soon
attendees were following keylines of discussion. Neville, Widders and Iceton all confirmed Neville’s pivotal enabling role behind
the scenes.
Sociologist Margaret-Ann Franklin (1995, p. 59) makes particular reference to Terry Widders’
contributions to these Gatherings and there consequent ripple-through effects
in the local Aboriginal community. She quotes Terry commenting on the Human
Relations Gatherings:
They
were good for different people in different ways. It intensifies communication,
that’s what it does. It focuses you. You get down to the specifics of social
and cultural communication rather than just, ‘how’s the weather?
Terry’s comments aptly
describe Big Group at Fraser House – relational exchange (1995, p. 59) is both social and intercultural. Additionally,
all involved are personally affected in differing ways.
……purposeful
local group activity, and in which an evolving underpinning is to be provided
by an updated and appropriate set of commonly accepted ideas (worked out
together) about what are the right ideas and right kinds of behaviour towards
each other and the world outside, and the right way to help each other stick to
them after they are worked out.
This quote is resonant
with Fraser House way and Aboriginal traditional sociomedicine
for social cohesion (Cawte 1974; Cawte
2001).
Resonant with Fraser
House, at times, the Human Relations Gathering operated at very intense though ecologically
tight levels. As in Fraser House, Neville ensured that the context-specific
functional aspects of behaviour were supported and that the context-specific non-functional
bits were not supported. Both Neville (July, 1999) and Iceton
(July, 1999) confirmed this. In sorting through big issues and the minutia like
the Big Groups did at Fraser House, each Human Relations Gathering at end was
deemed to be a great success.
A young Aboriginal woman
sent Ned a copy of the diary she kept during the second Armidale
Workshop. This diary was published with her permission in the next issue of the
Human Relations Magazine - excerpts from her diary:
I
feel very mixed up, uneasy, frightened and I try to get myself out of this by
staying in my room while the meeting is on, but I feel that it will only work
in two ways, either (1) I will close up altogether, and go back to my old ways
of joking my way through, or, (2) go and sit in and listen to the discussion
and see how I feel when I have finished there. I decide to go back and sit down
and listen to the rest speak.
The final comment in her
diary:
It
was a good week for everyone I talked to, and the next one will be even better.
Further excerpts have been included in Appendix 33. Her
diary is resonant with the diary of the Fraser House resident included in the
back of the Clark and Yeomans’ book on Fraser House (1969). There is the same emotional turmoil and
confusion. She could make little sense of what was happening within her during
that Gathering, though there is a strong sense as the diary proceeds that she
is integrating many aspects of her being - corrective emotional experience
rather than insight.
Three people from the Aboriginal communities around Bourke
attended the Human Relations gatherings in Armidale
in 1971 with Professor Max Kamien
a psychiatrist. In Kamien’s book, ‘The Dark People of Bourke - A
study of Planned Social Change’, (1978, p. 48, 49, 55, 57, 69-70, 77-78, 297, 324) he refers to
these Armidale and Grafton gatherings as ‘a
milestone’ in renewal among the Aboriginal people from around Bourke, a remote
town in New South Wales’ (Kamien and Australian Institute of Aboriginal
Studies 1978, p. 48, 49).
While returning to
Bourke, one of the three had extensive conversations with members of different
Aboriginal communities visited on the way. Upon returning to their own remote
community out in Bourke, and on their own initiative, the three commenced in
their own community similar human relations gatherings to what they had
experienced in Armidale. The Aboriginal person who
had carried out the conversations in the communities on the way back to Bourke
was the key enabler for the local Bourke action (Kamien and Australian Institute
of Aboriginal Studies 1978, p. 48, 49). This is one example of the presence of
nurturers in oppressed communities. It was also in part, an indicator of
Neville’s ability to pass on community healing ways such that others who have
been traumatized may be ready, willing and able to enable gatherings and have
the follow-through to organize and actually hold gatherings with local members
of their community on an ongoing basis.
Local non-aboriginal
teachers in Bourke had their first contact with adult Aboriginals (the
parents of their students) when they attended these Bourke human relations
groups (Kamien and Australian Institute
of Aboriginal Studies 1978, p. 48, 49).
As a follow-on
gathering, Terry Widders enabled two human relations
workshops for Aboriginal youth in Armidale on the
weekends 26-27 June 1970 and 10-11 July, 1971 – another example of a local
nurturer self starting action. He reported on these in Issue No.1, July 1971 of
the Newsletter (Aboriginal Human Relations Newsletter Working Group 1971a). (An almost
complete set of the Newsletter is held at the National Library in Canberra (Aboriginal Human Relations Newsletter Working Group 1971b)). This newsletter contained reports of the Human
Relations Gatherings as well as wellbeing related contributions from Indigenous
and resonant people from all over
During 14 - 22 May 1972
a third Human Relations Gathering was held in Armidale
NSW. A group of thirty-four Aborigines from around Bourke journeyed to Armidale and twenty-one actively participated in that
Gathering. The three from Bourke who attended the first gathering came to the
second gathering. Neville, Widders and Iceton again enabled
these gatherings.
Neville and Terry Widders (Aug 1999) confirmed that networks formed through
these four Gatherings continue to this day. Many Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander people who attended the Human Relations Workshops are now playing key enabler roles within
Aboriginal and Islander communities and have gone on to become
key people in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander affairs. Eddie Mabo’s
attendance at the 1973 Grafton Gathering is noted in Ned Iceton’s
file notes in his archives, and in the Human Relations Newsletters. Eddie Mabo was the Torres Strait Islander who energized the legal
challenges relating to the invalidity of the notion Terra Nullis
that led to the Mabo Decision granting Indigenous
land rights in
After the Grafton Workshop
in 1973, Neville and Terry enabled Human Relations Gatherings of Aborigines in
Alice Springs and Katherine in the
As one example of follow-on from the Human Relations Gatherings,
Terry Widders continues to network through being on
the UN Indigenous Working Group. Neville
said (Dec 1993) that Terry Widders and himself were
two of a very few people who had been granted observer status at meetings of
the Unrepresented Nations and People Organization (UNPO) based in The Hague.
Neville himself had
returned to full time study at the
In Neville’s second wife
Lien Yeoman’ book, ‘The Green Papaya – New Fruit From
Old Seeds’ Lien wrote in part about her life with Neville. Lien writes about
heading north with Neville in 1972:
At
this time there was a push for a New State of Far North Queensland. Neville saw
this as a good opportunity to test out his ideas (Yeomans and Yeomans
2001, p. 104).
In preparing a global
order transition model, Neville had been exploring a micro-model of three-level
governance at Fraser House – local, regional and global. Neville saw the
Queensland New State Movement as an energy he could tap into in exploring new
forms of regional governance away from the existing Brisbane based State
Government, and far away from Federal Government in Canberra.
In 1975, to explore
possibilities, Neville, Lien and baby son Quan
travelled up to Cape York in a Kombi Van and they travelled back down to
Mackay, Queensland as there was no psychiatrist in Mackay in those days (Yeomans 1980a; Yeomans 1980b; Yeomans and Yeomans 2001).
Neville bought a house in
Townsville, set it up as a Wellness Centre and attracted many Aboriginal and
Islander clients. Neville ran many groups from this Centre and evolved a
functional matrix called UN-Inma (Yeomans 1980a; Yeomans 1980b). This was the time he was planning the possibility of an
international refugee therapeutic community cum alternative to
criminal/psychiatric incarceration on Palm Island off the coast of Townsville (Yeomans 1980a; Yeomans 1980b). While it did not
proceed, Neville said that organising for the possibility of this facility on
Neville set up an
Aboriginal and Islander Therapeutic Community house modelled on Fraser House in
Mackay. Neville was the key enabler for the Mackay house. The Mackay
Therapeutic House was far from being a typical boarding house. Neville told me
(July 1998) that he had incorporated Fraser House way (as adapted for context)
in that small Mackay therapeutic community house.
Dr. Paul Wilson, a well
known criminologist and former Acting Director of the Australian Institute of
Criminology in Canberra (1986-91), and current Chair of Criminology at Bond
University in Queensland (Bond University 2005) devotes Chapter Six of his book,
‘A life of Crime’ (Wilson 1990, p.79-80), to his personal healing experiences living
within Neville’s Mackay Therapeutic Community house. The quote below from
Paul Wilson (Wilson 1990) writes of this learning how to ‘live well with
others’ in describing his experience of living in Neville’s therapeutic
community.
Neville Yeomans created a community free of doctrinaire principles.
The Mackay setting successfully created a sense of belonging. Most people who
have experienced deep personal distress have lacked, in my opinion, any sense
of residing in a group or clan. They, like I, have lived their lives
constructing walls around themselves, to protect themselves from other people.
In the process, they have lacked the knowledge and experience of living in a
community.
There was nothing magical in the process of
achieving this sense of belongingness..... Our day-to-day activities were
almost mundane. I would wake up in the morning and help whoever was up to get
breakfast ready. Then as people came in to the kitchen, we would talk about all
sorts of things people talk about over breakfasts.
Most importantly, there
were always people around you who you felt cared for you as a human being. This
interconnectedness of person with person was the thread that bound the
community together and gave us a sense of ‘family’ - a unit that many of us had
ignored or not had before.
This passage resonates with the Fraser House milieu,
highlighting the point that everyday-life contexts can provide opportunities
for learning about how to live together. This links to what Neville (Aug 1998)
called, ‘caring and sharing the Aboriginal way’ – ‘home, street and rural
mediation therapy’. It also links to the relating process Neville termed
‘mediation therapy’ (and ‘mediation counselling’) a form of therapy where
‘mediation’ was a descriptor (adjective) of process. Neville referred me
(Dec 1993) to Amelia Renouf’s (1992) essay about the uneasy sixth step in mediating
- that of a form of mediating that is inherently reconstituting and healing
relating. Almost invariably, conventional mediators are not equipped to
engage in this type of process and do not attempt to do so. Neville’s
mediation-therapy requires a fundamentally different set of healing and
therapeutic processes, competencies and abilities compared to those typically
used for mainstream mediation. Neville’s ways have some resonance with Gergen’s ‘relational communicating’ (Gergen 2005).
Neville also used what he called ‘context healing, street
mediation and group story performance’. These draw on Indigenous healing
process, cultural action and cultural healing action (Yeomans and Spencer 1993;
Queensland Community Arts Network 2002). They also draw upon dance, movement and other
forms of artistry. This action also uses natural and evolving contexts as
mediums with healing possibilities.
Neville and Lien travelled North
to

Photo 1. Photo of Neville’s Therapeutic Community House INMA in
This involved two adjoining flats above a drug
support and referral agency (Neville, Dec 1993; Rob Buschkens,
Oct 2003). The Agency continually referred clients to Neville. Three or four
people could stay at Inma. Neville held small therapy
groups all the time at Inma with around 12 people
attending. Aboriginal and Islander people attended. Robert Buschken
from the drug referral centre also regularly sat in on the sessions. Rob was
one of my interviewees. Rob said that he gained considerable skill from
modelling Neville’s behaviour. Rob’s description (Oct, 2003) of Neville’s group
skills was identical to the comments made by my Fraser House interviewees –
that nothing seemed to miss Neville’s attention – that he would pick up on
something that seemed trivial and produce a major change in a person or group –
and that he was so strategic; he was way ahead of everybody. Rob, who has mixed
European and Indonesian parentage, was one of the humane caring intercultural
nurturer types Neville was always on the look out for. Rob began taking the
small groups after Neville left
