CHAPTER THREE - BEYOND AND TRANSCENDING
LINKING SOCIO-PSYCHOBIOLOGICAL CHANGE
AND SUSTAIN-ABLE AGRICULTURE
WATER TELLING US WHAT TO DO WITH IT
P.A. YEOMANS AND ONGOING ACTION
Keyline’s Influence on Permaculture
Prophets
for Ecological Profit
ADAPTING KEYLINE TO CULTURAL KEYLINE
LINKS BETWEEN SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURE,
PSYCHOSOCIAL CHANGE AND INDIGENOUS SOCIOMEDICINE
TIKOPIA - CELEBRATING DIFFERENCE TO
MAINTAIN UNITY AND WELLBEING
A PSYCHIATRIC UNIT MODELED ON A SOUTH
PACIFIC ISLAND
ASSAGIOLI AND PSYCHO-SYNTHESIS
PHOTOS
Photo 1 This photo shows the low
fertility shale strewn with stones on
P.A’s farm
Photo 2 Fertile soil after two
years compared to the original soil
Photo 3 After three years the
property looked like a plush rural golf course.
Photo 5 At Nevallan
in July 2001, looking down towards the Keypoint at the top of the dam
Photo 6 A Different
Angle Showing the Ridges at the top of the Primary Valley
Photo 8 Notice the
chisel ‘terracing’ effect
Photo 9 Advertisement for Chisel Plow – Bunyip Slipper Imp with Shakaerator’
Photo 10 One of the
overflow channels - photo taken June 2001
Photo 11 The Gentle
slope of the overflow channel coming away from the near corner of the left dam
Photo 12 Channel
leading from one dam wall to the dam below – July 2001.
Photo 13 Irrigation
channel for flow irrigation.
Photo 14 Irrigation
flag in place.
Photo 15 Flag
diverting water to flood-flow over adjacent land.
Photo 17 Neville at
Keyline field day leaning on the shovel
Photo 19 Nevallan in
2002 looking back to the Keypoint
Photo 20 The Header to Neville’s
Newspaper column in the Now Newspaper
Photo 21 Parting of
the Ways - Laura Festival in 2001.
Photo 22 Tracy’s
Painting Relating to Social Cohesion
Photo 23 Embodying Crocodile Ways
DIAGRAMS
Diagram 1 The
Keypoint - Where Convex Curve Becomes Concave
Diagram 2 The
Keypoint and Keyline
Diagram 3 ‘S’ Shaped
Curve of Surface Water Runoff and the Curve of the Keyline
Diagram 4 Plowing
parallel to the Keyline
Diagram 5 Chisel
Plowing Parallel to the Keyline with arrows direction of changed run-off flow
Diagram 6 Rain and
irrigation water being turned out along both ridges
Diagram 7 Keyline
Plowing Process for Ridges.
DRAWINGS
Drawing 1 Drawing by
L. Spencer of the Island of Tikopia
This Chapter explores the research question, ‘What, were the
precursors and nature of the Ways of being and acting that Neville Yeomans use
in his life work? This Chapter encapsulates some aspects of Neville Yeomans’ Way of
thinking, processing and acting, and traces its origins to the innovative work
that Neville did with his father Percival A. Yeomans and brother Allan in
evolving Keyline, a set of processes and practices for harvesting water and
creating sustainable agricultural practice.
The Chapter outlines the
precursors of, and stimulus for Keyline in Australiasia Oceania Region
indigenous people’s profound connexion and familiarity with, and knowledge of
their land. The modeling and adaptation by Neville of socio-healing and
sociomedicine ways of indigenous people of the Region is outlined, including
how Indigenous ways were combined with Cultural Keyline in forming Fraser
House.
The potency of place and
public space, and its link with social cohesion and therapeutic community is
introduced. Psycho-synthesis, Taoism and other precursors and influences are
briefly discussed. Neville’s adaptation of Keyline to ‘Cultural Keyline’ in
evolving Fraser House is introduced.
In 1993 while I was staying with Neville in Yungaburra he talked
about how the two traumatic incidents - being lost as a three year old and
being caught in the fire - had had such a profound impact on him. These two
traumatic incidents had also had a profound, though different impact on his
father (Mulligan and Hill 2001).
P. A Yeomans was, at the time Neville was lost, a mine assayer,
and a keen observer of landscapes and landforms. P. A. Yeomans was
deeply impressed by the local knowledge of the Aboriginal tracker who found
three year old Neville. P. A. had been impressed by the Aboriginal tracker’s
profound knowledge of the minutia of his local land, such that, in that harsh
dry rocky climate with compacted soils he could so readily follow the minute
traces left as evidence of the movements of a little boy. The other thing was
that upon finding little Neville, the tracker was so intimately connected to
the local land and its forms he knew exactly where to go to find water. The
tracker was ‘of the land’. He and his people ‘be long’ there
(40,000 plus years). They were an integral part of the land. They were
never apart from it. It was not that this tracker knew where a creek
was, as there wasn’t one. The tracker and his community saw the Earth as a
loving Mother that provided well for them continually. He knew how to find water whenever he
wanted it and wherever he was in his homeland. As soon as the tracker
found Neville he had to find the right kind of spot for a short easy dig. Because of Neville’s dehydration, the tracker
needed water for Neville fast. He quickly had Neville sipping water. Hill
reports that, ‘according to Neville, it was probably this incident that gave
his father his enduring interest in the movement of water through Australian
landscapes, because he could see that an understanding of this would be a huge
advantage for people living in the driest inhabited continent on Earth (Mulligan and Hill 2001)’.
Just as Neville had also been profoundly influenced by his Uncle’s
death in the grass fire, P.A was also profoundly influenced (and traumatized)
by the same incident. During the ensuing years after leaving mine assaying,
P.A. had moved on to having his own substantial earth moving company. P.A had
acquired the farms to take advantage of tax breaks then available. P. A. had
just purchased the properties with his brother-in-law Jim Barnes the year
before the fire. Recall that Jim Barnes died in the fire. After the fire, P.A.
had to decide whether he would keep the farms and run them alone. He decided to
stay on the farms. These points were confirmed by Neville, Allan, Ken, and
Stephanie Yeomans.
P. A. emulated the Aboriginal tracker in becoming familiar –
family – with the landforms of his two properties. P.A. wanted to store or use all of the water that landed on the
properties. The massive restrictions the authorities now have on building farm
dams and controls on irrigation in large parts of Australia were not in place
then. In a 2002 conversation, Neville’s youngest brother Ken said that no dams
can be now made in the Murray Darling Basin, and farmers in this area have
limited say as to the storage and use of the rain that falls on their own
properties.
P.A. wanted to be able to water his two properties so they were so
lush and green all year round that they would be virtually fireproof. When the
families acquired the properties the soil was ‘low grade’. It was undulating
hill country with plenty of ridges that were composed of low fertility shale
strewn with stones. The following photo taken at Nevallan one of the Yeomans’
farms shows the original poor shale and rock ‘soil’ that was right throughout
the two properties when P. A. and his brother-in-law Jim Barnes bought them.
Photo 1 This photo shows the low fertility shale
strewn with stones on P.A’s farm
The next photo shows a spade full of fertile soil after two years
of the processes evolved by P.A and his sons. To clearly show the difference in
the soil, a clump of the fertile soil has been placed beside earth on the base
of a tree stump that became exposed when the tree fell over. This lighter
low-grade soil had not being involved in the processes the Yeoman’s evolved.
Photo 2 Fertile soil after two years compared to
the original soil
Within three years Yeomans and his sons had energized what
conventional wisdom said was impossible. They had altered the natural system so
that the natural emergent properties of the farm, as ‘living system’,
created ten centimeters (4 inches) of lush dark fertile soil over most
of the property! What is important is that in the Ways they used, the local natural
ecosystem did the work. P.A. enabled emergent aspects in nature to self
organize towards increased fertility. ‘Emergent’ is a name for a system
aspect that is present at some level of organization and not present at lesser
levels of organization. For example, the sweetness of glucose is not present in
any of the molecular building blocks of glucose (Internet Source 2002).
The processes the Yeomans used to foster natural emergence is
discussed in the following section. With the interventions that P.A.
introduced, the property had become lush and green twelve months of the year. It was
virtually fireproofed! The photo below shows the plush farm that emerged in
three years.
Photo 3 After three years the property looked like a plush rural
golf course.
In 1974, P. A described processes whereby 150 cms (five feet)
of deep fertile soil could be created within three years (Yeomans and Murray Valley Development League 1974). These processes are detailed later.
Neville’s profound insight was to see how the processes that
created such vibrant fertility on the farm could be applied in the psychosocial
life world. This Neville set out to do as his life work. The balance of this
Chapter will specify the processes the Yeomans evolved and applied on their
farms and the indigenous influences involved. It then introduces the ways
Neville evolved to adapt his family’s farming processes to psychosocial change.
Over thousands of years, if this continent’s Aboriginals wanted to
spear fish in the shallow creeks and rivers, they would copy behavior of the
wading birds – they wade slowly and react extremely fast with their long beaks.
The Aboriginal hunter with his spear mimics these waders. Resonant with the
continent’s indigenous ways, P.A. and his sons engaged in bio- mimicry -
letting the water, the land-forms, the soil biota and the balance of the local
eco-system tell them what to do. P.A. would take Neville and Neville’s younger
brother Allen out onto the farms as they were growing up whenever it rained so
they all could learn to see directly how the rain soaked in at different times,
how long before run-off would occur on different land forms, and what paths
down the slopes the run-off moved on different land shapes. Like the
Aborigines, they were learning to have all of their senses focused in the
here-and-now, attending to all that was happening in nature. Whatever action
P.A. and his sons did, they always observed how nature responded. P. A.
obtained contour line maps (with a useful scale) of his property to further aid
his understanding of landform. Neville said that his father constantly referred
to the three
primary landscape features - the ridge (elevated from the horizontal), the
primary valley (vertical cleavages) and the secondary valleys (lateral vertical
cleavages). The farm was perceived by P.A. as a cleavered unity, a feature
pervasive in nature. The concept ‘cleavered unity’ is discussed further below in relation to the Solomon Islander
Tikopia people (Firth 1957) and Neville’s therapeutic community Fraser House. P. A. discovered where the best places were to store run-off water
for maximum later distribution using the free energy of gravity feed. It was
high in a special place in the primary valleys. Below is a photo showing the
water harvesting P. A. achieved. Overflow from dams high in the primary valleys
were linked by gravity-based over-flow channels to lower dams.
Photo 4 Nevallan farm dams
The whole farm layout was designed to
fit nature. All of the dams were placed so as to simultaneously get water run-off,
pass overflow to a dam below by gravity, or by gravity based irrigation, pass
on the water to the soil when desired.’ P.A. writes that Neville was with him
out on the farm at the very moment when P.A. recognized what he called the
Keypoint and the Keyline in landform – the central concepts in Keyline.
Photo
5 At Nevallan in July 2001, looking down towards the
Keypoint at the top of the dam
Photo 6 A Different Angle Showing the Ridges at the top of the
Primary Valley
Photo 7 This view looks up towards the ridge at the top of the
primary valley from where Photos 5 and 6 were taken
The Keypoint and Keyline have special
properties and significance. Stuart Hill and I visited Nevallan for the first
time in 2001 and took the above photo showing the spot where P.A. and Neville
first spotted the Keypoint and Keyline. The Keypoint is right at the nearest
end of the closest dam. Like all Keypoints the one in the photo is on the
drainage line where the convex curve of the hill becomes concave.
Diagram 1 The Keypoint - Where Convex Curve
Becomes Concave
The Keyline extends either side of the Keypoint for a particular
distance along the contour line running through the Keypoint. Stuart Hill, in chapter
eight of his book on Australia’s Ecological Pioneers, outlines some aspects of
the process P. A. and his son’s used (Mulligan and Hill 2001):
‘What Yeomans senior discovered through such patient observation
was that there is a line across the slope of a hillside where the water table
is closest to the surface. The ground along this line looks wettest and is
reflective when it rains heavily. This
is the line where the slope changes from being convex above to concave below.
It is the line along which it makes most sense to locate the
highest irrigation dams within the landscape, because this is where the run-off
water from above can most effectively be collected and subsequently used at the
most appropriate time to irrigate the more gently sloping land below. Yeomans called this line the Keyline.’
Above the Keypoint is typically a land shape that directs the
water run-off so that most of it ends up arriving in an area of about a square
metre (the Keypoint) – the very start of the typical creek as creek. P.A. found
that the optimal locations for dams along the Keyline are where it crosses the
drainage lines within primary valleys. As stated, he called these the Keypoint
for that primary valley.
Yeomans first outlined his ideas about water movement and how to
detect Keypoints in a book entitled, ‘The Keyline Plan’ in 1954 (Yeomans 1954). The books, ‘Challenge of Landscape’, ‘Water for Every Farm’, and
‘The City Forest’ followed (Yeomans 1958; Yeomans 1958; Yeomans 1965; Yeomans 1965; Yeomans
1971; Yeomans 1971). Three of P.A.
Yeomans’ books, the ‘Keyline Plan’ ‘The Challenge of Landscape’ and the ‘City
Forest: The Keyline Plan for the Human Environment Revolution’ including all of
their diagrams and photos are now on-line through the Soil and Health
Organization (Yeomans 1958a; Yeomans 1965a; Yeomans
1971a). P.A’s youngest son Ken also wrote on Keyline (Yeomans and Yeomans 1993) as well as Holmes (Holmes 1960). All of the structures, processes and
practices that P. A. Yeomans evolved he also called Keyline (Yeomans 1971; Yeomans 1971).
Notice the Keyline design
features adapting natural place-forms in the above three photos. The closest
dam is sited so it is in the highest point in the valley floor where the convex
curve shifts to being concave.
P. A, used chisel plowing
parallel to the Keyline allowing the natural self-organizing flow of water to
run into these chiseled grooves. This resulted in shifting the direction of
flow of surface water around 85 degrees towards the ridges. This stops an
eroding rush of surface water down to the valley floor, slows the flow, spreads
the soaking, and allows for a massive increase in the moisture levels in the
soil without water-logging – that is, water is ‘stored’ as it slowly filters
through the soil as well as been kept in all the dams. These changes are vital
in the driest inhabited country in the World. P. A. did not use plowing that
turned the soil as he found that it damaged soil ecology.
Photo 8 Notice the chisel ‘terracing’ effect
P.A. adapted a chisel
plough from USA that cut grooves into the farms low-grade compacted soil by
adding a shaking vibration which created small underground hollow channels
around ten centimeters or four inches blow the surface, adjustable depending on
depth of ‘top soil’. P. A. won the Prince Phillip Agricultural Design Award in
1974 for his design of this, ‘Chisel Plow with Shakaerator’ (2002). Neville also was very familiar with his fathers and
brother Allan’s engineering designs for farm equipment. One was the Slipper Imp
an advance on the chisel plow they had been using (Yeomans 1974).
Photo 9 Advertisement for Chisel Plow –
Bunyip Slipper Imp with Shakaerator’
Notice that they describe the plow as
the ‘soil maker supreme’. The ‘Shakaerator’
name implied a shaking action that broke up compacted soil and aided aeration.
Diagram 2 is a contour map of the top of a primary valley. The dark curve is
the Keyline. The Keypoint is on the primary valley drainage line. The upside
down parabolic curves are the contour lines.
Diagram 2 The Keypoint and Keyline
Note that the top four contour lines
are relatively close together indicating a steep concave fall. The distance
between the Keyline contour and the one below is considerably wider indicating
a flattening out of the fall. The contour on the top of the first widest gap
between contours at the top of the primary valley is the spot that the convex
slope becomes concave. The ‘S’ shaped lines indicate the flow of over ground
water runoff for the left-hand side of the valley looking uphill. This S shape flow can be confirmed by drawing short lines at right
angles to a series of contour lines (the flow direction at that point) at the
head of a valley and then linking up these lines. Note that the water runs at right
angles to each successive contour and this sets up the ‘S’ shape flow. Diagram
3 shows the land surrounding Diagram 2. The lower repeated image shows a
segment of the flow of run-off water.
Diagram 3 ‘S’ Shaped Curve of Surface Water
Runoff and the Curve of the Keyline
Diagram 4. shows Keyline chisel
plowing parallel to the Keyline. Note that by plowing parallel to the Keyline
the grooves soon go off contour.
.
Diagram 4 Plowing parallel to the Keyline
Keyline plowing is not the same as
contour plowing. By creating the chisel grooves parallel to the Keyline as
depicted in Diagrams 4 and 5 the water run-off that was coming down the slope
in an S shaped curve is turned about 85 degrees to run out along the sides of the
ridges in the chiseled grooves.
Diagram 5 Chisel Plowing Parallel to the
Keyline with arrows direction of changed run-off flow
In Diagram 6 the red lines depict
rainwater run-off as it happens without the chisel plowing. Once the run off
hits the chisel plowing it is turned around 85% and runs out along the ridges
on both sides of the valley.
Diagram 6 Rain and irrigation water being
turned out along both ridges
On the ridges, chisel plowing is carried out parallel to a
selected contour line as depicted in Diagram 7.
Diagram 7 Keyline Plowing Process for Ridges.
Notice that the fall-line
and the chisel grooves are again at around 85 degrees to each other. This plowing pattern also turns the water
from running off the sides of the ridge, typically in ‘S’ shaped curves to the floor of valleys. The chisel cuts have the
water again turned so that it runs at a much shallower slope along the side of the ridge. This again slows the
speed of run-off and allows the water to be stored as it passes through the
soill.
When P. A. was in outback mining areas he had noted the way the
Chinese would build long mining water-races along contours (where they placed
their dams). These enabled the Chinese miners to move water a long way, often
with a fall along the water-race of only a few centimeters. In some places in
Australia where P.A. Yeomans traveled in his mine assaying work, Chinese miners
had ample water, whereas in the same area, farmers would have no dams and no
water. P.A. well knew that similar principles had been used by the Romans and
others in making aqueducts. How P.A. adapted the water-race/aqueduct ideas into
Keyline is discussed below.
All the Yeomans’ dam walls
have a specially designed and constructed pipe that comes out at the base of
the middle of the dam wall. The pipe is fitted with a valve on it on the
downhill side. No pumps are needed. Water from the valve feeds into irrigation
channels. Other dams are situated so that overflow from a higher dam can flow
out an over-flow channel by gravity down into the lower dam(s). The overflows
are gentle so no erosion occurs. When the dam level drops the overflow channel is
self-seeded with grasses. When I walked the Nevallan property in June 2001, the
overflow channels, about 15 feet across, were covered with lush green grass and
they had had no maintenance for 20 years! Photo 10 is the overflow channel for
the closest dam shown in photos 5, 6 and 7. Stuart Hill is standing on the top
of the dam wall that curves away to his right. A car could be driven across the
wall easily.
Photo 10 One of the overflow channels - photo
taken June 2001
Photo 11 The Gentle slope of the overflow channel coming away from
the near corner of the left dam
Photo 12 below shows the
channel allowing excess water from one dam to flow gently down to a lower dam.
The photo was taken from three quarters of the way down the dam wall. Photo 12
was taken from the dam wall of the closest dam shown in photos 5, 6 and 7
facing towards the far dam in those photos.
Photo 12 Channel leading from one dam wall to
the dam below – July 2001.
The irrigation channels
are filled from the valve outlet by gravity flow. The irrigation channel is
sited below the overflow channels.
Photo 13 Irrigation channel for flow
irrigation.
Water flowing along an irrigation
channel was delivered to a stretch of land by placing an irrigation ‘flag’
across the channel. This was usually made from a three-square meter piece of
material with a pipe through a hem across one end. This pipe was laid across
the channel and the material lay in the channel to make a temporary ‘wall’.
Photo 14 Irrigation flag in place.
Photo 15 Flag diverting water to flood-flow
over adjacent land.
The above considerations
guided placement of paddocks, fences, gates, and roads. Landform and flood
irrigation flow is also taken into account in designing where paddock
boundaries are placed. Up to P. A. and his sons’
work, Australian (and other) farms had rarely been designed. They tended to evolve in a haphazard or ‘traditional’ way – ‘this
is the way we always do it’. Farmers would impose their will on nature
(‘dominion over’ in the Jewish and Christian tradition). If something was ‘in
the way’, they would ‘bulldoze’ it out of the way. In designing and using
Keyline, things are placed relative to other system parts and place for
maximizing functionality, emergence, inter-related fit and use of free energy
in the system. This is discussed more fully in other places (Yeomans 1954; Yeomans
1955; Yeomans 1958; Yeomans 1958; Holmes 1960; Yeomans 1965; Yeomans 1965;
Yeomans 1971; Yeomans 1971; Yeomans 1976; Yeomans 1993; Yeomans and Yeomans
1993; Yeomans and Yeomans 1993; Hill 2000; Holmgren 2001; Yeomans 2001; 2002).
A central thing about Keyline is that it involves design, and not
just any design; rather, a local context based design that superbly fits
the local natural system. Nature told them what to do. The Yeomans
always attended to nature and respected the design in nature, and designed and
redesigned their interventions in a way that melded in with nature’s design,
‘design principles’ and emergent properties (Capra 1997, p.28). The Yeomans thought like dynamic living systems and used
bio-mimicry (Suzuki and Dressel 2002, p. 66, 110) in their designs. They engaged with all of the inherent aspects
of the farm as a holarchical living system (Holonic Manufacturing Systems 2000). They were ever aware that the ‘wholes’ in the living systems of
the farms were made up of parts, and these parts were themselves wholes made up
of parts. And the initial whole referred to, was itself a part of something
bigger. P.A. and Neville were very linked to this web of linkages. For them,
the farm was a living system made up of interconnected, inter-related,
inter-dependent and interwoven living systems and associated networked
inorganics (a connexity relating). ‘Connexity’ is a central lived, embodied,
and experienced framing concept. My definition of ‘connexity’ is as follows:
‘Connexity’
embodies the notion that everything within and between natural contexts and
everything within and between people and context (culturally and
inter-culturally) is inter-dependent, inter-related, inter-connected,
inter-linked and interwoven – whether we recognize it or not.
Keyline has many design
features, all resonant with natural
system connexity. ‘Connexity’ was to my knowledge
a term not used by Neville although it connotes his understanding of system
linkages well. ‘Connexity’ is a resonant concept in understanding Neville’s Way
and the praxis he enabled. The Yeomans linked into the connexity in their
farms’ ecosystem strategically. They, as living systems, were linked into the
farm living systems. They used nature as their guide as what to do, and what to
do next. Everything that they did was consistent with these design principles.
There is fractal like repetition in nature (Mandelbrot 1983) and in the Yeomans’
designs. One design principle was ‘work with the free energy in the system’.
This was evident in the Yeomans use of gravity and the design layout that
maximized the capacity to use gravity. Another example of thriving free energy
is creating the context for the massive increase in detritivores. This is
discussed in the next section. As an illustration of fractals, Allan suggested
taking a map of the Amazonian River system and reducing it in size. If we keep
reducing it, it looks exactly like a smaller river system. If we keep reducing
it looks exactly like a small river system. If we reduce it smaller, it looks
like a creek system. If we reduce it even small it may well be a creek with its
small tributary system.
Another design and intervention principle was that if there were
an impasse, they would tend to maximize possibilities for provoking the system
to self-organize towards functional adaptation to bypass the impasse. This was
linked to looking for the free energy in the system. They would work with what
works near, surrounding, associated, and connected to the impasse rather than
the impasse itself. An example was how to introduce an outlet pipe through the
base of the middle of the dam without water seepage along the outside of the
pipe causing a washout of the dam wall. The conventional wisdom of the day was
that you never put a pipe through a dam wall. The Keyline literature discusses
how they designed out the impasse by working with nature rather than against
nature, such that nature compacted the soil around the pipe. Self-organizing
processes in nature eliminated seepage in association with the aspects they
designed into the pipe and the pipe installing process.
Another design principle was, in deBono’s terms, to use all of the
different kinds of thinking (de Bono 1999). One of these divergent forms of thinking was to explore the
potential in doing what was the opposite, or most different to what people
always do. As an example, on a summer
morning in 1993 in Yungaburra, Neville and I were about to fold a very large
tarp covered in water and leaves from the mango tree. I started to straighten
it out by folding it in like I always
do when Neville said, ‘Let’s do what my father would do. Do the opposite. We
can fold it out, not in. Each time we grab from the middle and walk the middle
to the side. Doing this we will fold out so most of the leaves and water will
run off rather than being trapped in the folded tarp. If we fold water in it
will be so heavy, we wont be able to shift it!’ We did this folding out rather
than folding in. It was simple and it worked. That tarp was one of several used
in the small Laceweb campout in the rainforest in Kuranda discussed in Chapter
Nine.
The wider thinking behind this water-soil changework was that P.A
and Neville did not rest with the notion prevailing in most quarters, that it
can take up to 800 years to make ten centimeters of soil by rock erosion and
other breaking-down processes. They asked how they could create ten centimeters
or more of new topsoil in a few years?
They reasoned that soil could be created by constituting an underground
context/environment bringing together detritivores (creatures that live on dead
organic matter) with ideal combinations of air, moisture and a steady supply of
organic detritus (dead organic matter).
They knew that cropping a certain height off grasses and plants
just before flowering/seeding either by grazing or cutting created a shock to
the plant and a comparable size of dieback in root systems. The energy that the
plant had geared up for flowering and seeding is diverted into rapid growth for
survival. The roots that die create the organic material for decomposing.
What’s more, the dead organic root matter is already evenly spread underground through the soil where it is
needed. The space previously taken up by the root becomes air chambers. The cut
vegetation material was also recycled into the soil. The plant responds with
vigourous new growth that is strategically irrigated. Keyline chisel plowing
and flood-flow irrigation would increase soil moisture content. This
combination supplied the conditions for a massive increase in
detritivores (Yeomans 1971; Yeomans 1971; Yeomans and Murray Valley Development
League 1974; Yeomans 1976).
The changes
P.A. and his sons made to the farm created a context where natural emergent
processes in nature made a quantum self-organizing expansion in thriving
populations of soil producing detritivores and other biota and
related aspects that massively increased the farms fertility and output.
Ten centimeters of new topsoil was created in three years – something that was previously thought to take around 800 years! Earthworms emerged in
abundance, the size of which (over 60 cm or 24 inches) had never been seen before in the Region. The Riverland Journal carried
an article stating that H. Schenk, head of the Farm Bureau of America Bureau
Movement described Nevallan earthworms as among the best he had seen. His words
were, ‘Boy this must be the best soil ever was’ (Yeomans 1956). Neville told me he heard one well-traveled visitor saying that
the only other place he had seen comparable worms was in the fertile fields of
the Nile delta in Egypt.
Before he acquired the farms P.A. had had a business in removing
mine overburden. This experience also served him well in tackling the
substantial earthworks in making farm dams, some of them very large. The
largest surface area dam P.A. built on his own farms was at his Kencarley
property in Orange, NSW. The largest by volume was at one of his first two
farms, Nevallan in Richmond. The Kencarley dam covered 43 acres and had a dam
wall over 10 meters high. P.A. suspected this wall may not hold as the soil
that it was made from was far from ideal. He had checked that if the dam failed
it would not jeopardize other people’s life or property. He was prepared to go
ahead and construct the dam and if it failed he could still learn from the
experience. Allan Yoemans told me that when the dam was filled, water did begin
seeping through in parts. P.A. had devised ways of repairing dam walls by
having controlled explosions under water. This is a classic example of, ‘do the
opposite! One may think that you would never blow up a failing dam wall. P.A.
had worked out a way to use these explosions to consolidate and compact the
soil. He had had success with this method before. However, this time it did not
save the dam and small tunnels formed in the sandy soil. After the water had
all drained away, P.A. was able to examine the areas where the explosives had
gone off and better understand the effect.
The picture on the left in Photo 16 shows the lush growth on what
had been very low-grade pastures. The other picture shows the worms mentioned
previously.
Photo 16 Keyline outcomes.
P.A. attracted distinguished guests to the two properties. In
Photo 17 Dr.
Neville Yeomans is shown second from the right (leaning on the shovel). The
photograph includes the following people (from the left):
His Excellency, the Governor-General
of Australia, Field-Marshall Sir William Slim, G.C.B., G.C.N.G., G.C.U.L.,
G.B.E., D.S.O., M.C., is welcomed to "Nevallan". Left to right:
Professor McMillan, Neville’s father (P. A Yeomans), Neville’s brother (Allan
J. Yeomans), Mr. C. R. McKerihan, C.B.E., His Excellency, the Governor-General,
Dr. Neville Yeomans, and Mr. John Darling.
In Photo 18 Neville is shown with
his younger brother, Ken Yeomans, in the bottom left picture. The top two
pictures show the use of tree belts to slow wind, slow evaporation and prevent
soil erosion. The placement of belts of trees was designed to fit in with and
complement all of the other design aspects. Trees belts were planted in varying
years along differing contour lines so that years into the future, prevailing
winds would come over a hill and skim over trees having their tops at the same
elevation even though the land was falling; that is, the tree belts became
progressively higher (and older) as the land fell. Time and the effect of
passing time were designed into the farm.
Photo 17 Neville at Keyline field day leaning
on the shovel
Photo 18 Keyline Photo set.
Thirty years after P.A.'s death, the system he established on the
farm still works by itself with little maintenance required. As can be seen from the
photo below taken in Oct 2001, when I
walked the farm with Stuart Hill the farm still looks like sweeping gardens or
a golf course.
Photo 19 Nevallan in 2002 looking back to the
Keypoint
In 1971 P A. wrote his
book, ‘The City Forest: The Keyline Plan for the Human Environment Revolution.’
(Yeomans 1971). This book explores using Keyline in urban areas. On 24 April 1974 P.A. sent off to the
South Australian Government a design for a City Keyline Plan based on his book,
‘The City Forest’ for a proposed City of Monarto in South Australia. A copy of
these plans is in the NSW Mitchell Library (Yeomans and Murray Valley Development
League 1974). The proposal was for a population of 200,000 and
incorporated the use of city effluent for irrigation of forests to be planted
in the proposed city, and the purification of the surplus water by passing it
through the forest soil and biosystem. In keeping with connexity, the proposal
linked into the design reckoning, land-scale factors, as well as geological
structure and other features including: shape, form, climate, natural plant
cover, various soil types, capacities for development and use for the city,
climate factors - prevailing wind, pattern of temperature, annual rainfall,
amount and incidence of runoff, including all water that flows from outside and
across the cityscape, waste water, and water runoff from roads, roofs, and
sealed surfaces.
The Monarto plan mentions that, ‘Many
species of trees that grow in medium rainfall areas respond to the greatly
increased water and fertilizing factors of the effluents by producing several
times their normal timber and with improved cell and fiber structure. For
instance, trees for fence posts are available three years after planting. By
that time rainforest soil will have been created more than 150cm (5 feet)
deep. The plan was not followed through by the State Government of the day
(my italics).
Elias Duek-Cohen, who first
met Neville in 1968 through the Sydney Opera House Society (Neville was a
founding member), was at that time lecturing at Sydney University in Town
Planning. Duek Cohen told
me in January 2003 that through Duek Cohen’s efforts, university research is
currently under way sponsored by LandCom, the NSW Land Commission. That
research is testing the feasibility of a pilot project investigating P. A.’s
claims about producing deep soil using principles and
processes set out in P.A.s book ‘The City Forest’. The results should be
available later in 2003.
In his 1971 City Forest Book P. A.
acknowledges the seminal supporting role of Neville in the forming of his
ideas. He had Neville write the forward to this last book – The City Forest –
about adapting his ideas to the design and layout of a city (Yeomans 1971; Yeomans 1971).
Recall that Neville had evolved Fraser House back in 1959 when P. A. had
Keyline well under way. Neville worked closely with his father throughout his
years at Fraser House and Fraser House outreach in the years 1968 through 1971
when the City Forest Book was published.
In the 1970’s, Neville wrote a weekly column in the Now Newspaper
called ‘Yeomans Omens’ (Various Newspaper Journalists 1959-1974).
Photo 20 The Header to Neville’s Newspaper column in the Now
Newspaper
In this column he wrote that between
20-50,000 acres of Keyline forest could totally absorb and purify the liquid
effluent of Sydney. From this City Forest clean water would re-enter the rivers
and dams or the sea.
I sense competitive aspects in the relationship between P.A. and
his son Allan contributed to Neville being featured in the ‘Forward’ and
‘General Acknowledgements’ in the City Forest book. While fully recognizing
that Keyline was developed by the father, there is every indication that
Neville and Neville’s younger brother Allen were constantly involved and
contributing to unfolding action.
P. A .Yeomans wrote, ‘Keyline and
Habitat’ a paper he presented as a main platform speaker at the 1976 UN
conference, ‘On Human Settlements’ in Canada (Yeomans 1976) wherein he discusses Keyline and City
Forests. Eco-city projects are evolving around the world. Davis, a city of over
160,000 people in America, has adopted many of ‘The City Forest’s concepts,
including extensive edible landscaping and water harvesting in public places (James 1997). This landscaping is established and
sustained by volunteer community self help action. Resonant with P.A.’s, ‘The
City Forest’, a Global Conference on Eco-Cities was held in the village of Yoff
in Senegal in Africa in 1996. In describing Yoff, Nancy Willis (Willis 1996) quotes Robert Gilmen's definition of
an EcoVillage, ‘a human-scale, full featured settlement in which human
activities are harmlessly integrated into the natural world in a way that is
supportive of healthy human development, and can be successfully continued into
the indefinite.’ In describing her experiences during the Conference Willis
writes, ‘We would see a community which has traditionally lived in harmony with
nature instead of in competition with it. A community where cooperation for the
betterment of the whole has always been a given, and where governance has for
centuries been based on consensus decision-making and the idea that all should
participate. Neville’s work is resonant with the way of the people of Yoff.
In 1993, Ken Yeomans
published his book, ‘Water for Every Farm: Yeoman’s Keyline Plan’. This book
clarified some aspects of Keyline. Allan Yeomans informed me in
July 2002 that in keeping up the family’s tradition of being trail blazers, he
has completed the design phase and is poised for commercial production of large
scale solar thermal power supply system capable of servicing the needs of
100,000 people and way beyond. Allan has written the book, ‘Green Pawns and
Global Warming’ (Yeomans 2001) wherein he makes a claim that the World-wide application of
Keyline principles would get the carbon in the atmosphere back into storage in
the ground and this would give us a small amount of ‘breathing time’ to make
wider system changes.
Neville said that Hill a professor of Social Ecology from the
University of Western Sydney understood the seminal part Keyline concepts and
practices played in the evolving of Permaculture by David Holmgren and Bill
Mollison (Mollison and Holmgren 1979.; Holmgren 2002). In a 2001 interview I had with David Holmgren, he stated that
Keyline was a key precursor in the development of Permaculture. Holmgren also
said that when he and Bill Mollison invited interested local people from around
Tasmania to see what they were doing with Permaculture, the people who turned
up were well versed in Keyline and were keenly following P.A’s innovations.
In a July 2000 interview, Hill told me that Lady Balfour, a world
famous agriculturalist from England had described Neville’s father as ‘making
the greatest single contribution to the development of sustainable farming in
the World in the past 200 hundred years’ (Mulligan and Hill 2001). Hill was particularly engaged with the way Neville had
adapted his father’s work in sustainable agriculture into the psychosocial
arena (Mulligan and Hill 2001; Hill 2002; Hill 2002). In a July 2002 conversation with Ken Yeomans, Neville’s youngest
brother, Ken said that Lady Balfour came to his father’s farms in Richmond and
P.A. visited Lady Balfour in England. These meetings between Balfour and P.A.
were confirmed by Stephanie Yeomans in July 2002.
In all of this Keyline work, P.A. was
interested in earning money. Working with nature made economic sense. Suzuki
and Dressel give many examples of indigenous and other people engaging
ecologically with nature for sustainable living - often very profitably (Suzuki and Dressel 2002).
To place Keyline in this research, during the 1993 Yungaburra
conversation, Yeomans had mentioned that he had adapted his father’s Keyline in
evolving Fraser House, and in his extension of Fraser House ways into the wider
community. Neville called his adaptation, ‘Cultural Keyline’. The processes and
practices that P.A and his sons evolved on their farms, Neville adapted to both
the psychosocial and psychobiological fields.
To
briefly introduce Cultural Keyline, recall that P.A. and Neville had introduced
some changes to the soil environment. However, after they had done this, the
massive changes were self-organizing. The soil, organic matter, water
and detitrivores, as naturally occurring integrated systems, had emergent
qualities; that is, aspects started emerging, or coming into being, which had
not being present at lower levels of organization. In Cultural Keyline Neville
did similar enabling at the psychosocial level, and then left the social system
with its emergent properties to self-organize to richer levels of organization.
Neville did set up processes and structures to ensure social ecology was
maintained. Cultural Keyline will be discussed further in later Chapters. Both
Keyline and Cultural Keyline were informed by Indigenous ways.
So far in this Chapter we have
explored the Yeomans family’s evolving of Keyline and discussed aspects of
their farm designing and the Way they worked with nature to foster the
self-organizing emergence of abundant fertility. We have also introduced
Neville’s adaptation of Keyline to the psychosocial. Before I expand on that, I
explore some of the indigenous origins of the Yeomans’ Ways.
It will be recalled that
Neville’s life was saved by a Indigenous tracker and twice nurtured by
Indigenous women following life threatening trauma. In times of personal struggle
with psychosocial survival, Neville was drawn to Indigenous healing way.
Indigenous influences on the Yeomans’ Way will now be considered.
Through P.A.’s work in
remote areas, the Yeomans family came in considerable contact with Aboriginal
communities. Neville would take every opportunity to experience their
nurturing, sociohealing and social cohesion practices. For Indigenous people
living as nomadic hunter-gatherers on this continent, social cohesion is a
central component of healing and vice versa. The concept of Indigenous
‘sociomedicine’ is implicit in psychiatrist Cawte's book, ‘Medicine is the Law’
and other writings (Cawte 1974; Cawte 2001). In remote areas of Australia, Aboriginal wellbeing may be
sustained by mutual support and staying with the group. When food and water are scarce everyone moved
on together. A pervasive aspect of indigenous healing is social cohesion (Cawte 1974; Cawte 2001). Typically, for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people
living traditional lives, bush remedies for a wide range of troubles are both
widely known and widely used. However, if in these contexts sickness is deemed
to have it’s source in social trouble - if social cohesion is under threat
- sociomedicine is used by only a few law people who know the ways. The focus
for healing or prevention is the whole
group and all become involved (Cawte 1974; Cawte 2001).
The
dance depicted in Photo 22 indelibly portrays the potency of a decision to part
company in the remote Australian Outback.
Photo 21
Parting of the Ways - Laura Festival in 2001.
Neville had firsthand experience of
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander stories, sand drawings, rock paintings,
songs and dances and how all are used to maintain social cohesion in being well
together in community. The painting below is one of a set created by Tracy
Perrot, the niece of Aboriginal neurotherapists Norma and Geoff Guest who run
Petford Aboriginal Training Farm (now called Salem) as a therapeutic community (Salem International 2003). Neville knew both of these people
and acted as an enabling co-learning support person for them since the 1980’s.
Neville knew Tracy from when she was a baby. I interviewed Tracy in Jan 2001.
Photo 22
Tracy’s Painting Relating to Social Cohesion
In
the painting in Photo 22 Goanna Earth Life interacts with gold edged Eagle
Spirit Life and the child hand prints and all these mingle with other social
cohesion forms. Tracy Perrot’s summary of the social cohesion between
Aboriginal people and the pervasive cohesion between people and the wider Web
of Life as depicted in a series of her paintings, is as follows:
'Everything
in each painting is respective of what each thing in the painting gives up; the
stone, the birds, the people, as well as the words and the effect, the mystery,
the revelation - its all interconnected. The more we're a part of it, the more
we think about it, the more we have it in our mind - to look and appreciate -
we can feel it, and know that you are balancing - your balancing yourself out -
you're balancing your life to be in harmony with the Earth and everything that
lives in it, and everything you have been taught. The simple things in life are
the keys to success. And then being whole-some and balanced, I believe.'
Note the connexity in Tracy’s comments - connexion
continues between people, things, and between people and things such that they
are simultaneously interwoven, inter-dependent, inter-connected, inter-related,
and interlinked. I first met Tracy in 1991 when she
was a young girl. In 1992 while I was at Petford for six weeks enabling the ‘Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander Drug and Substance Abuse Therapeutic Communities
Gathering’ (Petford Working Group 1992), Tracy outlasted the young Petford boys in riding the bull at the
Dimboola rodeo! I always knew her as Norma and Geoff’s niece who was around
from time to time. When I interviewed her for this research she bubbled forth
what may be called ‘spontaneous wisdom poetry like the above quote for about
thirty minutes. This interview was tape-recorded.
Neville evolved his social action on his understanding that for
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, social cohesion among one's
people is paramount and is isomorphic with the cooperative inter-relationships
found in nature. Neville pointed out to me that in Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander run health centers, in keeping with their holistic way of thinking and
acting, instead of having mental health workers, these Health Centers have
psychosocial-cultural-emotional-spiritual health workers.
Both Neville and his father had been linked into these ways of
thinking and experiencing each other and the World. Neville had been accepted
into Yolgnu Aboriginal Communities living traditional lives in their homelands
in the Far North. Neville had experienced the storytelling and the singing and
the corroborees. He had gone hunting with them and participated in ancient
burial ceremonies that psycho-physically and metaphysically profoundly linked
Neville into extremely rich antiquities. Neville described these experiences as
equaling or surpassing any of the wisdom literatures he had read, and certainly
having or surpassing the richness of the mythologies of Grecian, Indian, Mayan
and other cultures.
Neville knew that the Mornington Island Aborigines tell, paint,
sing, dance, and the spirit didgeridoo players (Aboriginal wind instrument)
‘sing’ with their didgeridoo the story of the cooperation between the oyster
eater birds and the stingrays as a continual reminder to cooperate with each
other - they had observed how the stingrays bury themselves under the wet sand
as the tide goes out and wait for the shrill call of the oyster eater birds to
signal to the stingrays that they are again covered in sea water. Only a very
few Aboriginal didgeridoo players are spirit didgeridoo players.
As stated in Chapter One, Neville had firsthand experience of the
destructive social fragmentation occurring in Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander Communities; the aggression, the abuse of women and children,
alcoholism, destructive eating habits, high mortality rates especially among
the young, criminal and psychiatric incarceration and the like. And yet for all
this, Neville saw in their life-ways processes that may have the potency to
have indigenous peoples transform themselves towards being Well, as well
as being a model for fostering transition
towards a humane caring Global Epoch.
Neville spoke of all manner of artistic expression and borrowing
from nature being used by Indigenous people of the Australasia Oceania Region
to sustain and enhance the social cohesion in their way of life. This artistic
expression and social action is called by some Indigenous people in the Region,
especially those in Vanuatu, ‘cultural action’, a term now being used
throughout the Oceania Australasia SE Asia Region (CIDA 2002; Queensland Community Arts Network 2002). Neville adapted this ‘cultural action’ into ‘cultural healing
action’ (Yeomans and Spencer 1993). Neville described Cultural Healing Action to me as combining and
embracing the
healing artistry of music making, percussion, singing, chanting, dancing,
reading poetry, storytelling, artistry, sculpting, puppetry, model making and
the like, and using any and all of these for increasing wellbeing. Neville was adept at using and enabling Cultural HealingAaction
and he enabled me to gain competences in using it as well.
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander wisdoms and practical action
embrace and embody a profound understanding of human socio-psychobiology and
its connexity with the best and worst in human conduct. For example
Langloh-Parker writes of the dreamtime story of Bunbundoolooey, which is a call
to mothers to ensure they foster compassion and caring in the male-child for
the protection of future generations (Langloh-Parker 1993). Continually retold for tens of thousands of years, this
shocking story of child neglect and abandonment and consequent matricide by a
compassionless son is a telling reminder of the need to instill compassion, and
the devastation and violence the absence of compassion can bring.
Neville understood the pervasive way Aboriginal sociomedicine is
linked into social cohesion. Before during and after Fraser House, Neville had an increasing
realization of the resonance between Keyline, Cultural Keyline and Indigenous
notions of Key Lines, Self/Earth-Mother unity, and unity between, and within
all human and non-human life forms. All of this experience was
melded into the Way Neville and his father used in evolving their farms. As
well, Neville’s experience with
Indigenous people had helped in the forming of his Way of Being and social
action in Fraser House and beyond. Neville constantly evolved
his Way towards evolving diverse social life worlds enacting values based upon
mutual caring loving respect between the sexes and the generations, peacefulness, economic equity, social
and political dignity and ecological balance (Yeomans 1974; Plumwood 1993; Plumwood
2002).
Neville searched the anthropological
literature for information about village life-ways that were inherently
constituting and maintaining social cohesion and well-being. He found that the
Tikopians were exemplars. Anthropologist Raymond Firth’s book on Tikopia Island
in the Solomon Islands East of PNG was one of many anthropological works
Neville read during his university studies (Firth 1957). It was the healing feel of the
communal village life on Tikopia depicted by the Firth and it’s resonance with
Neville’s notions of Cultural Keyline and his own early childhood experience of
Indigenous healing ways that so attracted Neville to use Tikopia as a model for
setting up Fraser House like a small Tikopia Village. None of staff and
residents I interviewed knew of this Tikopia connection (check Margaret
Cockett); however, Neville’s younger brother Ken’s first wife Stephanie Yeomans
confirmed it. Stephanie was a psychiatric nurse at Ryde Psychiatric Hospital.
Like the Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders, Tikopians have
socio-healing and social wellbeing woven into the fabric of everyday life-ways.
When Firth was exploring Tikopia ways in the 1930's, the 1,200 Tikopians spoke
of themselves as 'tatou na Tikopia' - 'We the Tikopia', to declare their unity
and distinguish themselves from other islanders (Firth 1957).
Approximately three miles
long, the Island’s dominant feature is the remnants of a volcano surrounding a
fresh water lake. Two large rocky pyramids rise up from the shoreline left when
the balance of the volcano blew away.
The Island of
Tikopia
.
Tikopia Island has an intricate
system of reciprocal exchange spread as a network over the whole community of
communities. Firth stated that this reciprocity was continually ‘binding
(unifying) people of different (cleavered) villages and both sides of the
island (the two major regions) in close alliance’ (Firth 1957). The Tikopia celebrated difference to maintain unity. Firth
speaks of unifying processes among
the Tikopia that recognize, acknowledge, play with, respect and celebrate cleavages (difference/diversity) - that
is, ‘unifying cleavage’.
Firth writes of Tikopian
sociohealing wellbeing processes repeatedly involved ‘unifying-cleavage’. Some
examples - they would engage in ceremonial distributions of property, where the
principle was that as far as possible, goods go to the villages on the opposite side of the island - to those most
different. There would be periodic friendly inter-generational competitive
assemblies among those from differing villages, clans, and valleys. At these
periodic friendly competitive
gatherings and assemblies among those differing from them, the Tikopians would
engage in friendly competitive dancing, games and dart matches, as well as
share food and friendly fireside banter – what we have referred to as ‘cultural
action’. Tikopians had ceremonial distributions of property, where the
principle was that, as far as possible, goods go to the opposite district. An orchard of one clan group would be within the
territory of another clan group, bringing regular
contact in day-to-day life. There
were multiple unifying links between valleys, across ridges. According to Firth, ‘Still further are the cohesive factors of everyday operation,
the use of a common language, and the sharing of a common culture…(my
italics)’.
The men from the East could only marry
the women of the West. The opposite applied to the men of the West. That is,
people could only marry those most
different. The new brides would live with their husband’s family. As land was
passed from mother to daughter, the couple would set up gardens on land
belonging to the wife’s mother (Matrilineal), - that is, on the opposite side
to where the couple were living. Each morning all the gardening couples from
the East would get up at sunrise, bath and have breakfast. They would then make
the climb through gaps in the volcanic ridge. The sun rose a little later for
those on the West and when the couples from the West reached the top, the other
partners would act as hosts as they had a small party for a while. They would
also exchange news and banter before going to their respective gardens. The
process was reversed in the evening. The sun would set first for those
gardening in the East. So they would climb first and wait to be hosts for
another party. There would be more chatting, drumming and dancing in the late
afternoon light, and as the tropical sun set in the West, they would all return
to their respective villages. There they would have exchanges of vegetables for
fish with the villagers who were the seafarers - another different group to
celebrate with. Often these beach exchanges were occasions for more dancing and
friendly play. After dinner, the party would resume on the beach, or perhaps
some would walk across the smaller ridges to visit villagers in the neighboring
valleys. Firth uses these notions of unity and cleavage in the following quote
from page 88 of his book, ‘We the Tikopia’ (Firth 1957):
‘A still further
complicating factor is the recognition of two social strata, chiefs and
commoners, which provides a measure of horizontal
unity in the face of vertical
cleavage between clans and between districts. In former times there was
even a feeling that marriage should take place only within the appropriate
clan. Important, again are the intricate systems of reciprocal exchange spread
like a network over the whole community, binding
people of different villages and both sides of the island (the two major regions) in close alliance’ (my italics).
Neville and other
researchers at Fraser House used the above notions of horizontal unity in the face of
vertical cleavage in doing sociogram research into the friendship patterns
among staff and patients in Fraser house. This is discussed in Chapter Four
In all this celebrated
difference, villagers were always in constant contact as they passed each other
on the mountain trails and met on the beaches. There were multiple unifying
links between valleys and across ridges. The Tikopia people celebrated
their diversity to create social unity and cohesion.
In forming Fraser House in
his mind before he started it, Neville was searching for models of a small
communal village with a way of life that is inherently
wellbeing sustaining and healing. In this, Neville was seeking to create
Tönnies' ‘Gessellschaft’ – a small friendly village where everybody knows
everybody (Tönnies and Loomis 1963). Neville was inspired by the healing and integrative aspects of
small village life as explored by Tönnies in his book, ‘Gemmeinschaft and
Gessellschaft’ (Tönnies and Loomis 1963). This fitted with Neville’s experiencing of the healing potency
of Aboriginal women’s sociomedicine and his extensive readings in anthropology seeking
healing aspects of Indigenous ways.
Firth made no comment throughout his book that the
Tickopian communal village life and mores may be helping to constitute and
sustain individual and communal psychosocial wellbeing. More importantly in the
context of this thesis, Firth makes no comment about the potential of the
Tikopian’s way of life as a practical working model for restoring psychosocial health and wellbeing in dysfunctional
people, families and communities. This possibility was recognized by
Neville and used by him, in association with his Cultural Keyline concept, in
forming and structuring Fraser House as a psychiatric unit based on therapeutic
community principles. Neville recognized that implicit in Firth’s writing was
that the Tikopian’s inter-village and intra-village living and mores helped
constitute and sustain individual and communal psychosocial well-being. Notice
that their psychosocial well-being processes were woven completely into every aspect of their lives together.
Neville drew on the Tikopia way in the design of the Fraser House buildings and
his structuring of the flow of people in the Unit. He evolved a contained space
for the mad and bad to live closely together as a ‘village community’.
Neville saw the Tikopia
way of life as resonant with Australian Indigenous sociomedicine where
psychobiological healing energy could be easily and spontaneously passed along
to others as the need arises as people go about together in their every day
social-life world. On Tikopia there was constant linking within and between
people of differing generations, gender, clan, village, locality, status
(chief/non-chief families) and occupation, that is, between differing
sociological categories. Neville’s use of cleavering Fraser House
Family-Friendship Networks and inter-patient factions by sociological
category is discussed in Chapter Five. When Firth was writing there were
about 1,200 Tikopians. Firth discussed cohesiveness within the exploration of
clan membership as one framework for having an anthropological understanding of
the Tikopians.
As with Tikopia, in Fraser
House, the lives of all involved were linked to place and places. This created
public space. Public space was community space, where people were in continual
close social exchange - where friendships blossomed and were sustained by
regular contact (Cf. Tönnies' Gessellschaft (Tönnies and Loomis 1963)). For Tikopians, the top of the mountain, along all the trails,
within the villages, on the beaches - these were all public spaces -
places for sharing, caring, and nurturing. Social news was continually
circulating. Neville created isomorphic trails in the long winding corridors in
Fraser House. Tikopia life was not without some contention and strife; with all
of the constant social exchange, any strife soon became common knowledge and
typically, it was interrupted before it could start. There was always a support
network to call on to resolve any issue. How Neville set up similar processes
and used similar social forces in Fraser House is discussed in Chapters Four to
Seven.
In Tikopia, the common
stock of practical wisdom was so readily passed on that it was widely held
within the communities. People knew ‘what worked’. Socio-healing was not an
‘add on’. It was not a ‘government or private sector service’. It was community
embedded mutual-help and self-help. All of this socially embedded well-being
action was pervasively holistic. These socio-healing actions were preventative.
They sustained wellbeing. They were the norm. They constituted their good life.
They perpetuated in Maturana’s terms ‘Homo Amans’ (loving people) (Maturana, Verden-Zoller
et al. 1996; Maturana, Verden-Zöller et al. 1996). Their social life world was ‘self authenticating’ and
self-healing (Pelz 1974; Pelz 1975). In Neville’s view, Tikopians lived therapeutic community in
celebratory links with other therapeutic communities on their island. Neville
said that with dysfunction at a minimum, the term ‘therapeutic community’ more
appropriately becomes, ‘well-being community’. Tikopians sustained cultural
locality – within villages, on both sides of the island and at the whole Island
level. Zuzenka Kutena introduced me to the term ‘Cultural Locality’ (Kutena 2002). ‘Locality’
is used as meaning ‘connexion to place’. ‘Cultural locality’ then means, ‘A way
of life together connected to place’. Zuzenka started the ‘Vox Popali’ program
on SBS, Victoria’s intercultural media. Zuzenka’s actions are discussed further
in Chapter Nine.
Neville’s aim was to
create self organizing communal
living which may impact upon and create shifts away from isolation and
destructive cleavage, or make functional cleavage in entangled pathological
networks towards people mutually helping each other in developing a functional
integrated individual and family-friendship unity in living within functional
social and community networks.
Note that with both
Australian Aboriginals and the Tikopians, the concept of ‘cleavages’ and
‘unities’, and ‘cleavered unities’ recognizes,
respects and celebrates the
cleavered. Another similar notion to ‘cleaver’ used by the Aboriginal Yolgnu
people of the Australian Far Top End, may be loosely translated ‘rupture’. This
is not used in the sense of ‘torn’ or ‘damaged’, rather, that there is a very
distinct and important differences between two or more entities or things that
are being recognized and maintained. Neville knew from personal
experience of the Australian Aboriginal Yolgnu people that Tikopia’s
celebration of cleavered unities has similarities to the Yolgnu experience and
concepts in their social interaction and trade with East Timorese Sea Gypsies
and Malaccans. Neville told me that for the Yolgnu, difference was celebrated,
especially when East Timorese Sea Gypsies and Malaccans traders arrived. There
was no thought among the Yolgnu of wanting to change their visitors, though
sharing time with their visitors created a palpably different reality for their
time together. For the Yolgnu, this temporary different shared reality is
recognized as remarkable, wondrous and marvelous.
In Dec 1993, Neville
suggested that Assagioli’s (Assagioli 1971) writings on Psycho-synthesis were resonant with Neville’s Way,
and Firth’s concept of ‘cleavered unities’. In giving a big picture of
Psycho-synthesis, Assagioli speaks of cleavered unities being evolved towards
the ideal through love. Recall that Maturana has resonant ideas in his paper,
‘Biology of Love’ (Maturana, Verden-Zoller
et al. 1996; Maturana, Verden-Zöller et al. 1996). The following is a resonant excerpt:
‘From a still wider and more comprehensive point of view,
universal life appears to us as a struggle between multiplicity and unity, (ed: in other words cleavage and unity) a labor and an inspiration towards union. We
seem to sense that - whether we conceive it as a divine Being or as cosmic
energy - the Spirit working upon and within all creation is shaping it into
order, harmony, and beauty (ed: refer Neville’s values research in Chapter
Five), uniting all beings (some willing but the majority as yet blind and
rebellious) with each other through links of love, achieving slowly and silently, but powerfully and
irresistibly - the Supreme Synthesis (Assagioli
1971, p. 31) (my italics).’
During
our 1993 Yungaburra conversations Neville specifically drew parallels between
Assagioli’s following nine aspects for interpersonal and social Psychosynthesis
and Fraser House process (Assagioli
1971, p. 64):
1. Comradeship
- Friendship
2.
Cooperation - Team work - Sharing
3.
Empathy
4.
Goodwill
5.
Love (Altruistic)
6.
Responsibility (Sense of)
7.
Right Relations:
a) Between the Individual
and the Group
b) Between Groups
8.
Service
9.
Understanding - Elimination of Prejudice
All of these nine aspects
were central to Fraser House change processes as will be discussed in Chapters
Four to Seven.
While Psychosynthesis typically
focuses on the individual, Assagioli speaks of healing the
individual/group/community as suggested in the following use of notions of
cleavered unity (my italicized duplexes).
‘Thus inverting the
analogy of man being a combination of many
elements which are more or less coordinated,
each man may be considered as an element
or cell of a human group: this group, in its turn, forms associations with vaster and more complex groups, from the family group to town and district groups and to social classes; from workers’ unions and employers’ associations to the great
national groups, and from these
to the entire human family.’
‘Between these individuals
and groups arise problems and conflicts which are curiously similar to those we
have found existing within each individual.’
‘Their solution
(interindividual Psychosynthesis) should therefore be pursued along the same
lines and by similar methods as for the achievement of individual
Psychosynthesis.’
This
last point is resonant with Neville’s Way of working simultaneously with
psychosocial (inter-individual) and psychobiological (intra-individual)
systems. Neville also drew my attention to the connection between Assagioli and
Taoism. Assagioli states that Psychosynthesis is or may become:
‘a method of treatment for
psychological and psychosomatic disturbance when the cause of trouble is a
violent and complicated conflict between groups of conscious and unconscious
forces.’
One aspect of this uses the
Taoist notion of, ‘letting Life act through them’ (the Wu-Wei)(Assagioli
1965, p. 27). Recall
from Chapter One that Neville was familiar with and drew upon Taoist thought
and Way.
Earlier I defined the word ‘Connexity’ as a relation between contexts/things that are
simultaneously inter-dependent, inter-connected, inter-related, interlinked and
interwoven. All contexts/things have this connexity relation between everything
involved. The person(s) sensing and using connexity has it as a multi-aspect
bond between themselves and the context/things that flavors all of their
connecting as ‘inter-dependant connecting in relating’. Sensing and using
connexity raises the possibility of understanding the other’s nature and way of
being and acting, and including this understanding in the connecting.
Narby has written, ‘microbiology’s
description of the pervasive sameness of DNA in all living things proclaims the
fundamental unity in nature (Narby 1998, p.110). Connexity
is an intrinsic property of all life and non-life on Earth. Globally,
Indigenous people hold this universal inter-relatedness as fundamental. The
photo below is of an Australian Aboriginal corroboree where the nature and way
of the crocodile is embodied by all involved, especially the young people. They
share the same locality as the crocodiles and typically come to no harm as they
live in connexity relating with the crocodiles.
Photo 23 Embodying Crocodile Ways
This universal inter-relatedness is not something we set up –
though we can enrich contexts by juxtapositioning. Connexity is
already pervasive in and between both
the human social life and the natural life world whether we sense it or
not! Neville was profoundly influenced by this understanding and embodied
it as his way of being and acting.
It is little known that
Neville modeled the Fraser House upon the Indigenous socio-processes and upon
Keyline Ways. More aspects of Neville’s Way and practical examples of this way
will be occurring throughout the rest of this Research. More detailed
specifying of Neville’s micro-behaviors is given in Chapters Four through
Seven. Given the innovative and societal change-work both Neville and his
father achieved in their life, very few people know of them. Dominant elements
had a vested interest in ensuring this was the case. This theme is discussed
throughout the Research.
This Chapter has traced
the evolving of Neville Yeomans’ Way of being and action that he used in his
life- work. It traced the evolving of Neville’s Way firstly, from the joint
work he did with his father and brother Allan in evolving sustainable
agriculture practice, and secondly, from prior links that both Neville and his
father had to Australian and Oceania Indigenous way. The Chapter then traced
Neville’s adaptation of these influences into the psychosocial and
psychobiological spheres in evolving the structures and processes of Fraser
House. This adapting is extended in the next Chapter.
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