CONTENTS
CHAPTER SEVEN – CRITIQUING AND REPLICATING
CRITIQUE OF
FRASER HOUSE IN THE SIXTIES
REPLICATING
FRASER HOUSE IN STATE RUN ENCLAVES - KENMORE HOSPITAL’S THERAPEUTIC COMMUNITY
FRASER HOUSE
AND TRANSITIONS TO COMMUNITY SELF CARING
NEVILLE ACTIONS
TO PHASE OUT FRASER HOUSE
FRASER HOUSE A
MODEL FOR AMERICAN RESEARCH
ETHICAL ISSUES
IN REPLICATING FRASER HOUSE
FIGURE
Figure 1 The Four Levels for Maintaining Conduct
and the Correcting Processes
Figure 2 The Four Levels and Total Institutions
PHOTOS
Photo 1 Dr. Yeomans at Kenmore - Goulburn Evening
Post, 19 June 1963.
This Chapter discusses
criticisms made in the Sixties about Neville and Fraser House and responses to
these criticisms are made. Neville’s processes for extending Fraser House into
the local community are detailed. Wider society’s processes for placing
boundaries upon behavior and for accommodating diversity is detailed and these
are contrasted with Fraser Houses and the Laceweb’s use of therapeutic
community to fulfill the same functions. Neville’s setting up of transitions to
community self-caring is set out, as well as Neville’s intentional actions contributing
to the phasing out of
Fraser House. Research on Fraser house evaluation is
briefly outlined along with a discussion of American research using Fraser
house as a model. The Chapter concludes with ethical issues in replicating
Fraser House.
In summing up Fraser
House, the response of those involved in Fraser House ranged from rapturous
commendation to rapping condemnation. In their book about Fraser House Clark
and Yeomans report (Clark and Yeomans 1969):
‘Many
professional workers, psychiatrists, psychiatric workers, psychiatric nurses
and clinical psychologists, have expressed antagonism towards the practices of
the Unit. They have claimed, among other things, that the confidences and the
dignity of patients are not respected in the traditional way, and that the
treatment is crude and administered by unskilled personnel. They describe
instances in which relatives of a patient have been denied information about
the progress of treatment, or had pressure exerted upon them to attend group
therapy meetings against their own wishes.’
‘At a more personal level,
charges of flamboyance and irresponsibility have been made against the director
of the unit (that is Dr. Neville Yeomans). Some practitioners have refused to
refer patients to Fraser House because of their feelings of disquiet about it’s
personnel and practices.’
‘Some patients, also and
their relatives and friends, have shown extreme fear of, and hostility towards
the practices of the Unit. They describe vividly their feelings of horror and
helplessness when first exposed to the interrogation or verbal attack of a
group of grossly disturbed people. Frantically, they look towards the staff for
protection, but support is not forthcoming. The inescapable conclusion is
reached: staff and patients are united in their efforts to uncover innermost
secrets and to probe sensitive emotional areas without remorse.’
Some of these charges were also
made against Neville’s father. He was described as being unprofessional,
unskilled in agricultural science and with being too forthright. Similar
charges of being unprofessional and unskilled are made against Laceweb people.
I will
respond to these criticisms; firstly, the report that ‘relatives/friends of a
patient had pressure exerted upon them to attend group therapy meetings against
their own wishes’. We have discussed that ‘family and friends attending Big
Group’ was a condition for patient entry to the Unit. We have also seen a
letter sent to friends and relatives encouraging them to attend. That letter
said that if requested, a group of patients could call on friends and relatives
to explain things, and answer questions. In respect of the claim, ‘that
pressure was being exerted against people’s wishes’, Neville stated that this
certainly occurred fairly regularly as particular circumstances arouse.
Some families went out of their way to
not cooperate with efforts to treat family members. Neville wrote, ‘Family
inconsistency and conflict, distrust of the hospital, etc is most commonly and
in fact almost solely found amongst the relatives of the most severely ill of
all patients. It characteristically arises with the relatives of severely
schizophrenic and major narcotic addicts, murderers, and violent patients; far
more than in any other group which is perhaps a reflection of the extreme
tension and distortion under which these families live, making them suspicious
of any efforts to help them (Yeomans 1965, Vol 5, p. 44-45)’.
The
following is an example Neville recalled - a tangled inter-generational
inter-family dysfunctional group of six. Firstly, two of the group were
attending Fraser House - a brother and sister in their early twenties. After a
time they brought along a fourteen-year-old friend of the sister who revealed
she had been living in a criminally exploitative sexual relationship with a man
in his fifties for many months. He had also being taking illegal photographs of
this fourteen year old. She had moved in with this fellow, a mate of her
father, after the father had been sexually abusing her. The fourteen year old
had confided all this to the brother and sister.
The
brother was incensed about this fellow exploiting the 14 year old as he knew
his sister, the one attending Fraser House with him, had been sexually abused
by their father. The brother and the fourteen year old stole the man’s
expensive photographic equipment as payback for exploiting the girl. Because of
this they had been charge by the police. All this was revealed to everyone in
Big Group. The Big Group decided that six of the competent mature-aged patients
(none of those involved in the focal group, and some who had themselves been
exploiting children) would confront this fifty year old. The fourteen year old
moved all her gear out of the man’s house in his absence and she shifted in to
Fraser House. Around 8:30PM on a dark night this fellow answers a knock on the
door to find five psychiatric patients on his doorstep. Neville told me that
the spokesperson said words to the effect, ‘We are all friends of the young
girl you have had her living with you, and we know everything, and it is in
your interest to let us in come in and talk with you’. He let them in. The
spokesperson continues, ‘We are all patients at Fraser House. Do you know
Fraser House?’ He did.
‘One
hundred and eighty people in a Big Group talked about you and the 14 year old
girl at length today. You can go to jail for a long time for what you have been
doing. It is very much in your interest to attend Fraser House reception at
9:20 A.M tomorrow morning for a meeting starting sharp at 9:30 A.M.’ He was
there.
Apart
from anything else, this fellow had been placing his own wellbeing in extreme
danger without a single thought of consequences for him. He needed help, though
at first he did not know it. The man attended Fraser House Big Group and Small
Groups processes regularly thereafter. Initially, the brother and sister, the
14 year old, and the fifty year old were allocated to different Small Groups.
After a time, two or more would attend the same Small Groups. Ultimately the
brother and the fourteen year old faced court where their reason for taking the
photographic equipment, the older man’s exploiting the fourteen year old, and
the fact that the two of them and the fifty year old had been attending regular
therapy groups at Fraser House, were all taken into account as mitigating
circumstances. Because of their evidence in their trial, the fifty year old was
taken into custody by police and let out on bail. He continued attending Fraser
House as an outpatient and this was put forward as something in his favor and
taken into account in his sentencing. Readers can draw their own conclusions
about the efficacy of the pressure to attend Fraser House in this case.
As for
the claims that the treatment was crude and administered by unskilled
personnel, the reports of those I interviewed was that patients and staff alike
became extremely competent in a whole range of processes outside of
conventional mental health practice. The Unit became the center for teaching
new psychiatrists ‘community psychiatry’. Fraser House patients played the
major role in training these new psychiatrists. In respect of the criticism that
confidences and the dignity of patients were not respected in the traditional
way, we have discussed the often tough and provocative nature of Fraser House
community process. Neville described his Way as being ruthlessly compassionate
in intervening, interrupting and sabotaging people who were adept at
maintaining and sustaining their own and/or others’ dysfunction.
In Fraser
House people changed where nothing else had worked in the other places they had
been. Relatives and friends of a patient
were often denied information about the progress of treatment. It was
regularly found that many relatives and friends were very prepared to use
information about a patient’s progress to destructively sabotage that process.
It is to be expected that
what Neville was doing would create ‘peer disquiet’ about Fraser House
personnel and practices. Anything that turns a profession on its head and
strips away virtual every aspect of members of that profession’s traditional
power and authority as both individuals and as a profession would create
vehement opposition.
Each of my interviewees
agreed that the following quote encapsulates the experience of many
newcomers to Big Group.
‘Some patients and their
relatives and friends have shown extreme fear of, and hostility towards, the
practices of the Unit. They describe vividly their feelings of horror and
helplessness when first exposed to the interrogation or verbal attack of a
group of grossly disturbed people. Frantically, they look towards the staff for
protection, but support is not forthcoming. The inescapable conclusion is
reached: staff and patients are united in their efforts to uncover innermost
secrets and to probe sensitive emotional areas without remorse (Clark and Yeomans 1969).’
Every interviewee,
including the ‘ex North Shore Bus Depot Gang’ leader and the outpatient I met
in Yungaburra said that Big Group was an extremely intense experience and in
all of this, there was profound framing compassion and a relentless drive for all
involved to be moving to being able to live well in the wider community. As for
being flamboyant, Neville was a chameleon who constantly changed to fit
context. In keeping Fraser House before the public of Sydney, Neville was very
prepared to be a flamboyant celebrity. Later, when he was quietly evolving
networks among Indigenous people and wanting to minimize interference from
dominant elements, he went out of his way to be invisible. In chasing up some
people in Sydney in 1998 and 1999 who knew Neville in the Sixties, a number
said they thought he had died years before.
Dr. N. M. Mitchell from Kenmore Psychiatric
Hospital in Goulburn was interested in setting up a 300 patient therapeutic
community (based on Fraser House) within Kenmore, a hospital with over 1,200
patents (Mitchell 1964). A file note in Neville’s collected
papers states, ‘Dr. Mitchell was sent to Fraser House for a week of intensive
training and received copies of Fraser House’s rules, administration structure
and committee organization. Neville had visits to Kenmore and visited Goulburn
Base Hospital and developed liaison between Goulburn Base Hospital and Kenmore.
Neville engaged in four days of continual supervision at Kenmore during one
phase when he ran small and large groups in every ward of the hospital
and delivered talks to all members of both staff and patients
throughout the entire hospital’ (over 1800 people). He also supplied
Kenmore with research instrument to act as case history records. While their
therapeutic community had around 300 patients Neville ensured all involved
in Kenmore and the local hospital knew about this new Unit (my italics) (Yeomans 1965, Vol.
12, p. 66-69). Note the
thoroughness of Neville in ensuring every single patient and staff as well as
the local base hospital all were thoroughly briefed on the new therapeutic
community unit at Kenmore.
Photo
1 Dr. Yeomans at Kenmore - Goulburn Evening Post, 19 June
1963.
Neville’s work with Dr. N.
Mitchell and Dr. J. Russell at Kenmore was featured in an article in the
Goulburn Evening Post on 19 June 1963 called, ‘Kenmore’s Group Therapy Plan –
Leading Psychiatrist Visits Kenmore’ (1963). Dr. Mitchell is quoted as saying, ‘A large-scale community
living or group therapy used at Kenmore since late last year has proved an
unparalleled success. Kenmore modeled their Committee structure/process on the
one then in use within Fraser House.’
This segment looks at
Neville’s contextual frames for positioning Fraser House praxis in fostering a
transition to a humane caring epoch. Neville spoke of Western society having
four levels of functioning relating to conduct - namely, values, norm, rules,
and obligations. Figure 1 shows firstly these four levels, secondly, the normal
and deviant behaviors associated with each of the four, and thirdly, the
typical societal ‘correcting’ agencies associated with each level.
Typically, criminal people
are deviant at levels one, and three in addition to level two. The criminally
insane are typically deviant on all four levels. The mentally ill may deviate
at level one and three as well as level four.
Note that these mainstream
agencies provide a ‘service’ role for the community at large. In other words,
they ‘do it for us’. In large part, level two and three service is provided by
some level of government - the public sector.
Some private sector
contracting-out occurs; for example, private prisons. Private commercial
practitioners (service providers) may be supported by government funding
arrangements; for example psychiatrists and physicians in level four. Voluntary
service providers also assist; for example, church based social and counseling
services and youth-outreach services in level one and aspects of level four.
Outside the massive service provider arrangements is now an extensive network
of self-help groups.
LEVEL |
NORMALITY |
DEVIANCY |
CORRECTING PROCESS |
FRASER HOUSE AND
LACEWEB CORRECTING PROCESS |
|
|
1 Values |
Moral Ethical |
Immoral Unethical |
Priests Moral leaders |
Therapeutic Community |
|
2 Norms (Legality) |
Legal Law-Observance |
Illegal Criminal |
Judiciary Police |
Therapeutic Community |
|
3 Rules (Efficacy) |
Loyal |
Disloyal |
Administrators |
Therapeutic Community |
|
4 Obligations (Capacity) a) Role Performance b) Task Performance |
Role responsibility (Competence) Ability |
Mental Illness Physical Illness (Disability) |
Psychiatrist Physician |
Therapeutic
Community Therapeutic
Community |
Figure
1 The Four Levels for Maintaining
Conduct and the Correcting Processes
They blossomed in the
Seventies and Eighties, in large part because of the enabling impetus of
Neville in the Sixties and early Seventies. This is discussed later in this
Chapter. An example is the extensive directory of the Coalition of Self Help
Groups in Victoria (COSHG) (Coalition of Self Help
Groups 2002). A board member of COSHG
accompanied me from Melbourne to Yungaburra in Far North Queensland in 1993 to
stay with Neville and experience Laceweb action. This is discussed later in
this Chapter and in Chapter Eight.
The social-pathology
support framework of Fraser House and the Laceweb assumes that resident
behavior is a function of pathological social networks - a failure at the
community level, and also assumes it is in part a function of pathology within
the wider society. While Fraser House was a service provided by the NSW Health
Department, life within Fraser House was pervasively self help.
Within Fraser House there
was no service based correcting agent - where ‘agent’ means someone who does something for you’ – rather, within Fraser House the correcting, remedial and generative processes operating at all
of the four levels of functioning depicted above in Figure 06 becomes the
therapeutic community, which by it’s nature, is bracketed off, though embedded
in local community. In Neville’s framework, the notion of ‘service delivery’ by
‘expert’ ‘corrective agencies’ is replaced by self-help, and mutual
or community help by the therapeutic community. This is resonant
with Indigenous community sociomedicine for social cohesion. The therapeutic
community is supported by nurturing enablers as ‘resource people’.
In Fraser House, Residents
explored, clarified and developed their values and reciprocal obligations together.
They developed their own community lore, law, rules, and norms. They
were living within wider and more functional rule and norm systems that they
were evolving and continually reviewing together as a caring
community. This co-reconstituting of the rules and norms they lived by was
embedded within every aspect of communal life in Fraser House. The lore, law,
rules and norms embodied humane caring self-help and mutual-help. These rules
and norms were never reified – as if they were immutable and coming from God.
As Kuhn pointed out in his writings about the potency of paradigms (Kuhn 1962; Kuhn 1996), the processes constituting and sustaining societal paradigms are
reified and rarely if ever noticed or questioned. Neville created a context
where the social constituting of their shared reality was made explicit
and kept under continual review by the Fraser House community. Goffman had
written about various types of total institutions. Neville fitted them into the
above framework of values, norms, rules, and obligations as depicted in Figure
07.
LEVEL |
CAPABILITY AND NATURE |
INSTITUTION |
CONFORMING
PROCESS |
|
|
1 Values |
Capable and in retreat |
Abbeys, Monasteries,
Convents |
Priests Moral
leaders |
|
2 Norms (Legality) |
Capable and deliberate
threat to society |
Jails, Penitentiaries, POW
Camps, |
Judiciary Police Guards |
|
3 Rules (Efficiency) |
Capable and there for
instrumental purpose |
Army Barracks, Ships |
Administrators |
|
4 Obligations (Capacity) a) Role Performance b) Task Performance |
Incapable and unintended
threat to society Incapable and harmless |
TB Sanatorium, Mental Hospital Blind, Orphaned, Aged,
Indigent |
Physician,
Psychiatrist Physician,
Carer |
Figure 2 The Four Levels and Total Institutions
My ‘Comparison of Goffman’s, ‘Total
Institutions’ and Fraser House’ is in Appendix 10.
Recall that Neville
described Fraser House as a, ‘transitional community’ as it was continually
adapting to meet changing contexts and challenges. There was a culture of
continual improvement in being well – wellbeing. Neville described all this as
a ‘micro-process’ that may be used in returning a way of being and living
together to wider society in Australia – a culture that has been subject to the
cultural stripping by the Rum Corp at the very start of European settlement in
Australian - where in Neville’s terms,’ Irish and other settlers and local
Aborigines alike all had their culture stripped systematically from them and a
military culture imposed’. Neville embedded the framework depicted in the above
table into the evolving Laceweb. The distinction between mainstream ‘service
delivery’ approaches and the self-help Laceweb model is discussed in Chapter
Nine.
Figure 3 is an extension
of Figure 1 and depicts the way society accommodates diversity between people,
socio-economic groups, ethnic groups and cultures. Societies have varying
degrees to which they will allow protest and dissent. There are correcting
processes for resolving deviancy from within or from outside the society. The
right-hand column gives the Fraser House/Laceweb healing processes for healing
deviancy in all it’s forms towards having cleavered unities that respect and
celebrate diversity. All of the above was continually discussed within the
Fraser House community. Patients would typically leave Fraser House with a
large family friendship network, competencies in administering a substantial
organization, and have a functional practical knowledge of sociology and
competency in community therapy. It was little wonder that shortly after
leaving Fraser House in 1968, Margaret Cockett was finding ex-patients popping
up around Sydney engaged in local self-help action. Typically, she found that
ex-patients were very effective in
group process and action as they had had excellent experience and grounding
during their Fraser House stay. When the going got turgid and emotions heated
up in these action meetings it was nothing that these ex-Fraser House residents
and outpatients had not already experienced in Fraser House.
Level |
Normality |
|
Correcting Process |
Fraser House/ Laceweb Correcting Process |
Cleavage iversity |
Current
way: Oppressor/ Oppressed Advantaged/ Disadvantaged Subjugator/ Subjugating Exploiter/ Exploiting Possible
way: Harmonious Unity |
Protest Disobedience Conflict Sabotage Insurrection War Terrorism |
Venting energy Fines Compelling
compliance Coercion & sanctions Imprisonment Warrior system -
yang Political Mediators Negotiation Police/Military Para-military Militias Torture & Trauma Shaming & Maiming (Towards
status quo in current way) |
Cultural Keyline Healing nurturing – Yin Therapeutic Community Mediation Therapy Peacehealing Healing/Wellbeing networks Festive,
and celebratory gatherings Everyday
life wellbeing processes (Towards
possible way of harmonious cleavered unity) |
Figure 3 A Table Depicting the Way Society and Fraser House/Laceweb Accommodate
Diversity Between People, Socio-Economic Groups, Ethnic Groups and Cultures.
Margaret recalled one
Fraser House ex-patient as been a very angry person at Fraser House. When this
person was leaving Fraser House, Margaret thought that he had a ‘long way to
go’ in being ‘functional’. She met and talked to him at a social action
meeting. Margaret told him that she was surprised to find him there and said
she thought he would be ‘railing against the government’ rather than being
involved in this self-help action. Margaret said he replied words to the
effect, ‘You have it all wrong. Change is happening at the everyday life level. It is useless trying to change the Government
and the large power processes.’ This response was in fact resonating fully with
Margaret and Neville’s view. It also resonates with Rowan Ireland’s “Sitting on
Trains” article regarding social movements in Brazil (Ireland 1998). Irelands paper is discussed in Chapter Nine.
Professor Ross Thorpe, the
Head of Social Work at James Cook University when I started this research
project in 1998, told me in November 1999 that when in the mid Seventies she
was a new arrival in Sydney from the UK, social workers were continually
talking about what happened in Fraser House in the early 1960’s.
During mid 2002 Alex Dawia
- one of my Bougainvillian friends- and
I had been invited down to Hobart to link and share with Tasmanian wellbeing
networks. A series of gatherings were held involving healing ways sharings
including Bougainville traditional Ways and Cultural Healing Action. These
networking ways are discussed further in Chapters Nine and Ten. A casual
conversation with a woman giving me a lift to the airport in Hobart, Tasmania
after these gatherings revealed that she and many of the friends in Tasmania,
especially Hobart in the late Sixties and early Seventies closely followed
Neville and Fraser House developments and used these as inspiration to push for
all manner of changes in that state’s Community and Family Affairs departments.
She said that they had many successes and that they evolved very effective
wellbeing networks throughout Tasmania.
In a paper called ‘The Therapeutic Community in Rehabilitation of
Drug Dependence’ that Neville delivered at the Pan Pacific Rehabilitation
Conference in 1968, Neville wrote about steps he was taking towards community
mental health. ‘Since September 1965, Fraser House has been innovating a
community psychiatry service for approximately 300,000 population. This
programme aims at intense contact with government public servants, community
aid services and all other relevant community leaders including police,
ministers of religion and all those depended upon by large groups (Yeomans
1968, Vol. 1, p. 267-289).
In a document marked ‘confidential’ called,
‘A Community Developers Thoughts on the Fraser house Crisis’ (Yeomans 1965, Vol.
2, p. 46-48), Neville writes of
actions that would lead to the phasing out of Fraser House.
‘Over the last couple of years the Unit Director and
developer (Dr. Yeomans) has been increasingly involved in strengthening the
organizational preparedness of the outside community, aimed at the relative
devolution of Fraser House and the development of an external therapeutic
(welfare) community’.
This ‘strengthening the organizational
preparedness of the outside community’ was hinted at in the forward to the
second edition of ‘Introducing a Therapeutic Community for New Members’ (Yeomans 1965, Vol. 4).
‘The
major changes in the programs of the Fraser House Therapeutic Community in the
past 20 months (1996) has been the development of an intense Community
Psychiatry Programme, first in Lane Cove municipality in Sept 1965, and more
recently in the Ryde Municipality. The major Therapeutic function of Fraser
House will now be as the center for an intense Regionalized Community
Psychiatric Programme. This programme is aimed at reducing the rates of mental
and social illness in this part of Sydney as a pilot programme and involves a
vast increase in the outward orientation and responsibility of the Unit. Groups
of nurses were allocated localities in the suburbs surrounding Fraser House and
supported patients and outpatients from their areas’.
The Fraser House handbook written by
patients for new staff has a segment on
the Nurses Role:
‘Nurses are assigned in teams to regional areas at the
moment; Lanecove, Ryde, the rest of North Shore, and other areas. Each regional
team is expected to be responsible for knowing its area, its problems and
helping agencies etc. Moreover, nurses in each team are expected to come to
know all in-patients and out-patients of that area; to be specially involved in
the appropriate regional small groups, both in the community and in the Unit;
to record progress notes on their regional patients; to be part of both medical
officer and follow-up committee planning for the patients of their region (Yeomans 1965, Vol. 2, p. 18).’
In September 1965 the Lane Cove
Community Psychiatry Programme began. In June 1966 a similar programme began in
Ryde (Yeomans 1965, Vol 4. p. 2-4).
In discussion with Neville
about Figures 06 and 08 in November 1998 he said that while Fraser House had
been a seminal step, it was still a State run enclave. Kenmore
Therapeutic Community was another State run enclave. Ex-staff member Dr. Madew
was replicating Fraser House at Callan Park.
Neville wanted his ideas
spreading outside of State control. His next step was to move Fraser House Way
out into the community and slowly move community-centered action away from
service delivery and towards grassroots self-help and mutual-help. Neville
spoke of this as, ‘returning wellbeing processes back to grassroots folk’. For
this to happen Neville sensed it was best to let Fraser House be re-absorbed by
mainstream and disappear. He did not want Fraser House remaining as a
government administered service delivery entity that was a mere shadow of how
it was when he was there. Glendon Prison in the UK is a highly successful
prison that is a therapeutic community. Neville said that after having
excellent recidivism rates, way ahead of traditional maximum security prisons
for over thirty years, there has never been any attempt to replicate Glendon
Prison. Neville did not want Fraser House to become an isolated curiosity like
Glendon. Laceweb people generally know little or nothing about Fraser House.
A cost-benefit analysis designed by Neville revealed the Unit to
be the cheapest and most effective compared to a traditional and to a very new
‘eclectic’ unit. (Yeomans 1980; Yeomans 1980). Treatment results were followed for up to five years and this
research showed that improvement results were maintained (Clark and Yeomans 1969).
Madew, Singer & MacIndoe (Madew, Singer et al. 1966) conducted controlled research in Sydney at Callan House
therapeutic community that was modeled on Fraser House. Coincidently, Professor
Peter Singer was my Behavioral Science (psychology) tutor at La Trobe
University. They found that the therapeutic community was significantly better
at returning patients to the community. The therapeutic community costs were also
significantly lower than the control group.
In 1993, Professor Alfred
Clark published his book, ‘Understanding and Managing Social Conflict’. In this
book Clark specified the 1959-66 ‘Fraser House’ model as being still ‘state of
the art’ as a process for intervening and resolving social conflict within any
context around the Globe (Clark 1993).
Neville
was delighted to discover that Fraser House was one of the models used in
comparative research by Paul and Lentz in their 1968 research based in
Illinois, USA (Paul
and Lentz 1977, p. 432). Paul and
Lentz used Fraser House as one of their models in developing their milieu
therapy program. However, many of the unique features of Fraser House were not
used by the American researchers. The researchers had also used a ‘poor cousin’
of Fraser House model in their social-learning program as well. The American
researchers used a token economy. Neville set up a small actual economy within Fraser House.
The American
research strongly supported the efficacy of the Fraser House model. Over the
four and a half years of the American research and the next 18 months
follow-up, the psychosocial change programs were significantly ahead of the
hospital group on all measures, with social learning emerging as the treatment
of choice.
While Paul and Lentz’s
clients had been chronic mental patients who had had long-term hospitalization,
with the social-learning group fewer than 3% failed in achieving ‘significant
release’, defined as being longer than 90 days in outside extended-care
facilities. 10.7% of the original social-learning group and 7.1% of the milieu
group were released to independent
functioning, without re-institutionalization. None of the original hospital
group had been released to independent functioning. After four and a half years
of results demonstrating that the two psychosocial programs were clearly
superior to the comparison hospital’.
A cross comparison between structures,
processes, actions and underlying theory within Fraser House and Paul and
Lentz’s psychosocial programs shows that Fraser House contained the aspects
that constituted the effectiveness of both
their milieu and social learning programs. Some of the features of the American
models were present within Fraser House in a more advanced form. Fraser House
also had a large number of potent features that were not present or referred to
by the American researchers. Features of
Fraser House that were neither present in the Paul and Lentz’s American
research nor referred to by the American researchers are listed in Appendix 11 (Paul and Lentz 1977).
The American social learning treatment was
highly structured and very detailed. ‘Today we all learn how to undo buttons
and tie shoe laces.’ The Fraser House
social-learning processes were organically and natural linked into the
community lived life experience of togetherness. The Fraser House process had
patients learning by being responsible for rule making, decision making and
action relating to large sections of community life, via the extensive system
of client run committees and client tasks. The Fraser House model was to have
life teaching them in an individualistic way rather than, ‘all individually
doing the social learning course’, as in the American model.
Heinrichs’ 1984 review
of developments over the previous twenty years in the psychosocial treatment of
long term chronic psychotic patients, identified Paul and Lentz’s research as a
remarkable study, especially it’s outcome of having over 92% of the patients in
the social learning program released, with community stay without
rehospitalisation, for the minimum follow up period of 18 months (Heinrichs
1984).
Heinrichs’ identified another ‘source of great promise’ for psychosocial
strategies. This was the extension of the strategies from the treatment of the
‘patient’ to the treatment of the whole family. Neville had pioneered full
family residential therapeutic community over
twenty years earlier and had family and friends therapy as an integral part
of the sociotherapy of Fraser House since inception in 1959.
It is possible that
psychosocial change may be implemented in incompetent, inappropriate and
unethical ways. Attempts to set up these programs may go seriously astray to
the point where people may be harmed or killed.
We have seen that the
Fraser House Therapeutic Community psychosocial programs were, at various
levels, both simple and complex in their structure and processes. Both highly
specific and very non-specific change actions were used. Many of the structures
and processes were not obvious. Many were very subtle. Incompetent people with
the best intentions in the world may seek to establish psychosocial change
programs. They may operate under a belief in the ‘magical’ quality of the
approaches used - that you set the unit up and ‘let the magic happen’.
The consistent feedback
from all my Fraser House interviewees was that Fraser House was a ‘massive
amount of very tight and difficult work’. As mentioned, in Fraser House
detailed attention was focused on being extremely flexible within extremely
tight psychosocially ecological boundaries. One of these frames was safety at
all levels - physical, emotional, psychosocial, ethical, moral and spiritual.
Meticulous and constant attention was also focused on staff teamwork with
team-building, team-maintenance and teamwork under continual review. The staff
were so dedicated and committed to each other and the community, Neville had to
constantly insist that they go home after their shifts ended instead of staying
on to do things to support. The groundwork laid down by Neville allowed Neville
to be away overseas for nine months with Fraser House thriving in his absence.
Neville was adamant that for any
cloning of Fraser House to be ecological, it would have to grow naturally and
be context and local place dependent; this included how it was embedded within
the local suburbs to ensure the natural evolving of strong functional local
networks. An important issue in replicating Fraser House was that Neville was a
very skilled and very charismatic person and there are few ‘Neville’s around.
As well, as detailed in this thesis, many of Neville’s Ways were not obvious.
One attempt at setting up a
therapeutic community based on the Fraser House psychiatric unit was the Ward
10B unit set up by Dr. John Lindsay at the Townsville General Hospital
Psychiatric Unit (Lindsay
1992). Some
years before, Dr. Lindsay had requested permission to be, and had been an
observer at Fraser House for three weeks. Neville told me in 1992 in Yungaburra
that Lindsay believed that he ‘slavishly’ copied aspects of Fraser House. In
doing this, Neville said that, ‘Lindsay did not allow for the structure of the
city of Townsville’. In Ward 10B there was no evidence of locality or cultural
locality. Neville visited Ward 10B and sensed that Dr. Lindsay had too
faithfully followed Fraser House in a different state, political and
metropolitan context. There was evidence that the Ward 10B staff were far from
being an effective team. After visiting Ward 10B Neville completely dissociated
himself from having anything to do with it. Ward 10B was in no way
encapsulating the Fraser House processes. Following many complaints, Ward 10B
was closed and became the subject of a Royal Commission. Dr. Lindsay gave his
version of events at the Townsville Unit in his book, Ward 10B - The Deadly
Witch-Hunt (Lindsay
1992). Dr.
Mitchell’s Kenmore Therapeutic Community and Dr. Madew’s Callan Park were
successful examples of cloning Fraser House. Dr. Madew was on staff at Fraser
House prior to heading up Callan Park. As mentioned, Neville worked closely
with Dr. Mitchell in setting up Kenmore Therapeutic Community.
This Chapter commenced with some
criticisms made of Fraser House in the Sixties and responses were given to
these criticisms. Replicating Fraser House in Kenmore and Callan Park Hospitals
was discussed. Material was provided contrasting wider society’s processes for
placing boundaries upon behavior and for accommodating diversity, and Fraser
Houses and the Laceweb’s use of therapeutic community to fulfill the same
functions. The steps taken by Neville to set up transitions to community
self-caring was set out as well as Neville’s actions contributing to the phasing out Fraser
House. Research on Fraser house evaluation was
briefly outlined along with a discussion of American research using Fraser
house as a model. The Chapter concluded with ethical issues in replicating
Fraser House.
Chapter Eight documents
the various outreaches from Fraser House that Neville set up and enabled, and
discusses how these fit into Neville’s frameworks for evolving a social
movement fostering humane epochal transition.
(1963). Kenmore's Group
Therapy Plan - Leading Psychiatrist Visiting Kenmore. Evening Post.
Goulburn.
Clark, A. W. (1993). Understanding
and Managing Social Conflict. Melbourne, Swinburne College Press.
Clark, A. W. and N. T.
Yeomans (1969). Fraser House - Theory, Practice and Evaluation of a
Therapeutic Community. New York, Springer Pub Co.
Coalition of Self Help
Groups (2002). Coalition of Self Help Groups Home page - Internet Source - http://home.vicnet.net.au/~coshg/.
Heinrichs, D. W. (1984).
Recent Developments in the Psychosocial Treatment of Chronic Psychotic
Illnesses T. New York,. The Chronic Mental Patient - Five Years Later.
J. A. Talbott. New York, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
Ireland, R. (1998).
Globalised São Paulo as Invention and Happening: Lessons on a Train. Imagined
Places: The Politics of Making Space. C. Houston, F. Kurasawa and A.
Watson. Melbourne:, La Trobe University.
Kuhn, T. S. (1962). The
structure of scientific revolutions. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
Kuhn, T. S. (1996). The
structure of scientific revolutions. Chicago, IL, University of Chicago
Press.
Lindsay, J. (1992). Ward
10b. Check, Check.
Lindsay, J. S. B. (1992). Ward
10B : The Deadly Witch-hunt. Main Beach, Qld, Wileman.
Madew, L., G. Singer, et
al. (1966). "Treatment and Rehabilitation in the Therapeutic
Community." The Medical Journal of Australia 1: p. 1112-14.
Mitchell, D. N. M. (1964).
The Establishment and Structure of Kenmore Therapeutic Community.
Goulburn, Kenmore Hospital.
Paul, G. L. and R. J.
Lentz (1977). Psychosocial Treatment of Chronic Mental Patients - Milieu
Versus Social-learning Programs. Massachusetts, Harvard University Press.
Yeomans, N. T. (1965).
Collected Papers on Fraser House and Related Healing Gatherings and Festivals -
Mitchell Library Archives, State Library of New South Wales.
Yeomans, N. T. (1968). The
Therapeutic Community in Rehabilitation of Drug Dependence - Paper Presented by
Yeomans, N. T., Coordinator Community Mental Health Dept of Public Health NSW
at the Pan Pacific Rehabilitation Conference. Neville T. Yeomans Collected
Papers 1965, Vol. 1 p. 267 - 283; 283 - 289.
Yeomans, N. T. (1980).
"From the Outback." International Journal of Therapeutic
Communities 1.(1).
Yeomans, N. T. (1980).
From the Outback, International Journal of Therapeutic Communities - Internet
Source - http://www.laceweb.org.au/tcj.htm.